Emotional Management of Frustration in Forensic Anthropologists Working on the Search for Victims of Forced Disappearance in Colombia*

Gabriela Fernández-Miranda

Duke University, United States

Juan Pablo Aranguren-Romero

Universidad de los Andes, Colombia

https://doi.org/10.7440/antipoda50.2023.05

Received: June 10, 2022; accepted: October 26, 2022; modified: November 17, 2022.

Abstract: Since the end of the twentieth century, the work of forensic professionals in contexts of war has become a topic of particular interest, among other reasons, because of its importance in the clarification of serious human rights violations. The purpose of this article is to characterize the experience of frustration and emotional management strategies used by forensic anthropologists working in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. Using semi-structured interviews with ten forensic anthropologists working in the search for victims of enforced disappearance in Colombia, along with autobiographical analysis, the authors identify the strategies through which forensic professionals manage frustration in a context of armed conflict and political violence. All interviews were held in Bogota in 2019. The forensic anthropologists interviewed were found to be confronted with potential sources of frustration such as complex political scenarios, difficulties of the geographical context to carry out the search processes, long-lasting situations of impunity, and high expectations of the victims’ families to find their loved ones’ remains. The article thus describes the ways in which forensic anthropologists emotionally manage these difficulties in order to maintain their motivation and efforts to continue their work. The authors employ a novel perspective to explore the emotional management of the impacts of work in contexts of political violence and war, revealing the importance of research that allows us to recognize the subject being moved by the pain of others.

Keywords: Armed conflict, forced disappearance, forensic anthropology, forensic turn, frustration.

La gestión emocional de la frustración en antropólogas(os) forenses que trabajan en la búsqueda de víctimas de desaparición forzada en Colombia

Resumen: desde finales del siglo XX, el trabajo desarrollado por profesionales forenses en contextos de guerra se ha tornado en un tema de particular interés, entre otras cosas, por la importancia que tiene en el esclarecimiento de graves violaciones a los derechos humanos. El objetivo de este artículo es caracterizar la experiencia de frustración y las estrategias de gestión emocional que utilizan las(os) antropólogas(os) forenses que trabajan en el contexto del conflicto armado colombiano. A través de entrevistas semiestructuradas a diez antropólogas(os) forenses que trabajan en procesos de búsqueda de víctimas de desaparición forzada en Colombia y mediante el uso del método de análisis autobiográfico, el artículo identifica las estrategias mediante las cuales las(os) profesionales forenses gestionan la frustración en un contexto de conflicto armado y violencia política. Todas las entrevistas fueron llevadas a cabo en Bogotá durante el 2019. Se encontró que las(os) antropólogas(os) forenses entrevistadas(os) se confrontan con potenciales fuentes de frustración como escenarios políticos complejos, dificultades del contexto geográfico para adelantar los procesos de búsqueda, situaciones de impunidad de larga duración y altas expectativas por parte de las(os) familiares de las víctimas respecto del hallazgo de los restos. Así, el artículo da cuenta de los modos en que las(os) antropólogas(os) forenses gestionan emocionalmente estas dificultades de manera que logran mantener la motivación y los esfuerzos para continuar realizando su trabajo. El artículo se ocupa, desde una perspectiva novedosa, de los modos de gestión emocional de los impactos que tiene el trabajo en contextos de violencia política y guerra y revela la importancia de avanzar en investigaciones que permitan reconocer al sujeto implicado ante el dolor de las(os) demás.

Palabras clave: antropología forense, conflicto armado, desaparición forzada, frustración, giro forense.

A gestão emocional da frustração em antropólogas(os) forenses que trabalham na busca de vítimas de desparecimento forçado na Colômbia

Resumo: desde o final do século 20, o trabalho desenvolvido por profissionais forenses em contextos de guerra tem se tornado um tema de particular interesse, entre outras coisas, pela importância que tem no esclarecimento de graves violações dos direitos humanos. O objetivo deste artigo é caracterizar a experiência de frustração e as estratégias de gestão emocional que as(os) antropólogas(os) forenses que trabalham no contexto do conflito armado colombiano utilizam. Por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas a dez antropólogas(os) forenses que trabalham em processos de busca de vítimas de desaparecimento forçado na Colômbia e mediante o uso do método de análise autobiográfica, este artigo identifica as estratégias pelas quais as(os) profissionais forenses lidam com a frustração num contexto de conflito armado e violência política. Todas as entrevistas foram realizadas em Bogotá, Colômbia, durante 2019. Foi constatado que as(os) antropólogas(os) forenses entrevistadas(os) são confrontados com potenciais fontes de frustração, como cenários políticos complexos, dificuldades do contexto geográfico para realizar os processos de busca, situações de impunidade de longa duração e altas expectativas por parte das(os) familiares das vítimas a respeito do achado dos restos. Assim, este artigo evidencia os modos em que as(os) antropólogas(os) forenses lidam emocionalmente com essas dificuldades de maneira que consiga manter a motivação e os esforços para continuar realizando seu trabalho. Trata-se, sob uma perspectiva inovadora, dos modos de gestão emocional dos impactos que o trabalho em contextos de violência política e guerra tem, e revela a importância de progredir em pesquisas que permitam reconhecer o sujeito envolvido ante a dor das(os) demais.

Palavras-chave: antropologia forense, conflito armado, desaparecimento forçado, frustração, virada forense.

The past two decades have witnessed a significant surge in interest regarding the emotional experiences of forensic professionals working in war-torn, politically volatile, or conflict-ridden contexts (Aranguren-Romero 2019; Aranguren-Romero and Fernández-Miranda 2021; Aranguren-Romero and León 2020; Black 2016; Blau 2006; Dominguez and Ross 2016; Ferllini 2013; Koff 2005). This increase is partly explained by the production of testimonial narratives by forensic professionals, which have begun to influence historical fiction novels and autobiographical texts (Baraybar 2012; Black 2018; CNMH 2014; Manheim 2000; Ondaatje 2001). This is what Aranguren-Romero (2019) has referred to as a subjective turn within the forensic turn (Dziuban 2017). This has even materialized in documentary and cinematic audiovisual productions (Bidault 2014; CNMH 2015; Dutrénit and Leal 2020; Gálvez 2014) that have contributed to amplifying voices on the psychosocial impacts of forced disappearance and mass violence, particularly in Latin America, with a certain focus on the experience of forensic anthropologists.

However, the subjective turn within the forensic field is also an expression of the growing interest in research on secondary or vicarious traumatic experiences that began to emerge in the late 20th century. These studies were intended to shed light on how various professionals working in contexts of war, political violence, or armed conflicts were emotionally affected by their work (Fassin and Rechtman, 2009). Thus, the focus shifted towards examining how individuals position themselves when faced with others’ pain, predominantly emphasizing the transmission of trauma resulting from the encounter between an actor seemingly external to the contexts of violence and experiences of pain and suffering. This perspective led to an emphasis on categories such as post-traumatic stress disorder, secondary trauma, vicarious trauma, among others, which ultimately limited the understanding of the ethical, political, and emotional implications of being moved by the pain of others (Aranguren-Romero 2017).

While in the case of forensic professionals, psychodiagnostic characterization has been relatively limited, some pioneering studies on the emotional experiences of individuals involved in rescue and body identification in catastrophic and violent situations show a marked tendency to interpret these experiences through the lens of post-traumatic stress disorder (Cicognani et al. 2009; Fullerton, Ursano, and Wang 2004). Other perspectives have emphasized the need to understand the emotional involvement of forensic professionals from a more dialogical and intersubjective perspective, recognizing the ways in which these professionals emotionally and politically engage in the context in which they work (Aranguren-Romero and Fernández-Miranda 2021; Ferllini 2017, 2013; Koff 2005; Williams and Crews 2003). This, in turn, has allowed for the recognition of how the very profession of forensic anthropology has been transformed as a result of the demands of these contexts.

In fact, scenarios of mass violence, forced disappearance, and other human rights violations have drawn significant attention to forensic anthropology as a means to ‘unveil the truth’ of a past that is believed to emerge from the depths of the earth. Ultimately, it contributes to closing cycles of violence and supports healing in victims (Ferrándiz 2014). At the same time, these circumstances have created heightened demands and expectations for forensic anthropologists in such contexts. These scenarios have solidified the need for professionals to establish closer ties with the families of the disappeared and employ methods of relating to human suffering that range from psychosocial skills to address the pain of the families (Fondebrider 2005; Gómez and Beristain 2007; Pérez and Navarro 2007) to strategies for managing their own personal suffering. All of this highlights scenarios in which the emotional experience of the forensic professional becomes relevant not only as a turning point in history but also because their emotional readiness to embrace the pain of the families of the disappeared becomes decisive in processes of comprehensive reparation.

The task of forensic anthropologists in contexts like Colombia is highly demanding and requires direct emotional involvement in their work. It poses a complex challenge as these experts bear the responsibility of, on one hand, locating bodies intentionally subjected to acts of violence intended to erase any trace of their existence—rendered unrecognizable, shattered, fragmented, and obliterated. On the other hand, they must navigate institutional and judicial obstacles that seek to conceal or deny the occurrence of these crimes.

Hence, the search process in Colombia is confronted with several inherent difficulties. These include the concealment of bodies in geographically complex areas and the utilization of various methods of disappearance such as clandestine mass graves, disposal in rivers, dismemberment, cremation, and more (CNMH 2018). Challenges also arise due to the overwhelming number of missing cases surpassing the available resources of forensic anthropologists for conducting search operations. Furthermore, certain political circumstances historically aim to suppress the acknowledgment of crimes committed during the Colombian armed conflict, leading state institutions to violate and hinder the restoration of victims’ rights. Compounding these challenges is the fact that the Colombian state itself bears responsibility for these crimes, creating a climate of impunity.

Professionals frequently operate in environments where armed conflict persists, presenting a formidable challenge for forensic anthropologists. The task of accessing specific territories for search operations becomes increasingly difficult, leading to legitimate concerns for personal safety and putting the families of victims at constant risk. Thus, alongside the inherent obstacles in the nature of their work, a political context marked by widespread impunity and ongoing violence from the armed conflict adds an additional layer of challenges for forensic anthropologists.

In this regard, the expectations placed on the work of forensic anthropologists are exceptionally high. However, even when the remains of a disappeared victim are discovered, it does not necessarily unveil the truth about what happened. Consequently, while forensic anthropologists fulfill their scientific objectives, the social dimension of their role, which involves alleviating the pain of the victims’ families, remains unsatisfied as long as the question surrounding the history of the crime remains unanswered. This situation becomes particularly evident in institutions whose humanitarian focus is solely on identifying and returning the remains to the families of the disappeared, without encompassing a judicial investigation that accompanies the process of restitution.

Thus, a significant portion of the work conducted by forensic anthropologists in a context like Colombia entails operating in complex scenarios where the recovery of remains is highly challenging, there are substantial risks to their work, and state dynamics may not necessarily support their endeavors. All of this implies that, despite their efforts and dedication, the effectiveness of the anthropologists’ results may be limited. This is further exacerbated when considering the personal commitment they undertake within institutions that emphasize contemporary humanitarianism (Fassin 2016).

In this regard, the work of forensic anthropologists involves significant emotional investment, accompanied by high expectations for their role, rigorous search demands, a complex context of disappearances, and institutional constraints that can impede their work. Additionally, they must navigate the emotional challenges of managing frustration when they may not fully meet the expectations associated with their responsibilities. The aim of this article is to delve into the emotional coping strategies employed by the interviewed forensic anthropologists who are engaged in search operations related to forced disappearances.

The Emotional Management of Frustration

For the purposes of this article, frustration will be defined as an emotional response that occurs when obstacles or impossibilities hinder the achievement of a goal (Dollard et al. 1939; Freud 1923). In these situations, there is an anticipation of reaching a desired outcome that is expected to bring satisfaction (Berkowitz 1989). However, when it is perceived that the goal cannot be attained, the expected reward is not realized, resulting in a stressful situation where gratification remains unfulfilled. Therefore, frustration is associated with a negative valence affect, leading to a primary tendency to withdraw motivation, potentially resulting in giving up on attempts to achieve the goal (Greenberg 2004; Heinerichs, Curtis, and Gardiner-Shires 2014; Keenan and Newton 1984).

Indeed, research on frustration has predominantly focused on the organizational and business domains, highlighting how it arises when employees are expected to achieve high productivity but encounter various obstacles that hinder their success (Greenberg, 2004). Factors contributing to frustration in these contexts include role ambiguity, a negative organizational climate, or lack of support from the company (Keenan and Newton, 1984). As noted by Heacox and Sorenson (2008), these conditions elicit a negative emotional response in those who experience them. In organizational settings, as well as in sports and educational environments, it has been found that individuals experiencing frustration may develop burnout (Greenberg 2004), witness a decline in performance (Chinchankar and Mardhekar 2012; Heinerichs, Curtis, and Gardiner-Shires 2014), and even consider leaving their positions (Heacox and Sorenson 2008).

However, frustration can also serve as a motivating factor that drives individuals to strive towards their desired goals. This may be applicable to forensic anthropologists who, despite working in challenging conditions, manage to maintain their motivation in the search for victims of forced disappearance and persevere in their efforts to locate them. How do forensic anthropologists navigate and cope with the frustration and challenges associated with being unable to find the victims of forced disappearance? This study explores the emotional experiences of frustration among forensic anthropologists involved in the search for missing victims of forced disappearance in Colombia. The findings reveal that this experience is linked to an action-oriented inclination characterized by heightened motivation and intensified search efforts. Therefore, forensic professionals employ a range of strategies to effectively navigate and cope with emotional frustration, enabling them to persist in their work despite the obstacles and tensions they encounter.

Methodology

Given the research subject, a qualitative methodology was employed to conduct this study. This approach allowed a thorough exploration of the meanings constructed through social interactions and contributed to a comprehensive understanding of the contextual factors influencing the emotional experience.

The article presents the findings derived from interviews conducted with ten forensic anthropologists, consisting of four women and six men, aged between 30 and 55 years. Although these professionals work in different parts of Colombia, all interviews were conducted in Bogotá in 2019. Possessing a postgraduate degree in forensic anthropology was not a prerequisite for participation, as individuals in these roles may have received additional training beyond their undergraduate studies (Blau 2016). However, all interviewees were anthropologists with specialized training in forensic sciences. The primary criterion for inclusion was a minimum of two years of experience in search, recovery, identification, and/or dignified delivery processes associated with cases of forced disappearance. All participants held active positions as forensic professionals within state institutions or humanitarian organizations, and some had also been involved in independent search groups.

Once the interviews had been transcribed, the documents were sent to the participants for their approval. This step provided an opportunity for the interviewees to clarify information, make adjustments, or choose not to include certain details in the findings. This stage of the process was crucial in ensuring the accurate representation of the participants’ perspectives and minimizing potential misinterpretations. Following the participants’ approval, the data analysis phase was initiated.

For the analysis, a biographical approach was utilized. Following Creswell’s (2007) description, this method involves the researcher exploring, documenting, and presenting the life experiences of another individual. In this study, the aim was to delve into the life experiences of the participants and the subjective meanings they ascribed to them. Employing this type of analysis is crucial as it allows for a comprehensive understanding of the relational dynamics between forensic anthropologists and the families of victims of forced disappearance, which constitutes a fundamental aspect of their personal experiences and individual narratives. Furthermore, as highlighted by Arfuch (2010), this analytical approach offers a valuable opportunity to explore the emotional experience within the context of daily life, which is essential in terms of gaining a deeper understanding of frustration.

Results

Sources of Frustration

The forensic anthropologists who were interviewed shared their experiences of encountering frustrating circumstances in their work. The first significant source of frustration arises from the geographical context and the various methods of forced disappearance in Colombia (CNMH 2018). These factors make it highly challenging to establish a connection between a body and the identity of a missing person. For instance, one interviewee expressed their frustration upon hearing a perpetrator casually say, “I burned him and threw him into the river, that’s it” (participant 1, 2019), highlighting the distressingly common nature of such cases of forced disappearance in Colombia. The country’s demanding terrain adds to the complexity. The forensic anthropologists mentioned the daunting task of working in mountainous regions, searching for remains in rivers, and enduring physically exhausting weather conditions. This implies that search operations often span long periods, requiring the forensic anthropologists to make multiple trips to the field and continually confront the possibility of not being able to locate the remains of a missing person. As one interviewee shared, “We have made at least four or five attempts to find the father [of this relative] in an extremely challenging and remote area.” They go on to say:

This is a long-term process, and we will probably have to revise the search plan multiple times and make five trips to the location. So, I’ll have to find alternative approaches to narrow down the search area, and tell the relatives, assuring them that if we didn’t find anything this time, maybe next time we will. (Participant 2, 2019)

Nevertheless, despite recognizing the long-term nature of these processes and the involvement of numerous professionals, one of the interviewed anthropologists expresses, “I’m starting to realize more and more that there will be many cases where we simply won’t be able to find them” (participant 2, 2019). This statement vividly portrays the ongoing struggle faced by forensic anthropologists in their quest to locate the bodies in crimes deliberately orchestrated to erase any trace of the victims, intensified by the challenging geographical terrain and the violent contexts that further exacerbate these circumstances. These factors constitute a primary source of frustration.

However, the challenges do not cease once the remains of the disappeared individuals are discovered. The interviews reveal a second source of frustration: even when the remains are found, identification is not always possible. One interviewee remarks, “They continue searching without success, exhuming without identification. Not all cases, of course, some are identified, but the proportion does not align with the findings” (participant 1, 2019). This predicament extends beyond the borders of Colombia. The same interviewee mentions a case where only nine bodies out of 428 recovered individuals between 2007 and 2019 were identified. Thus, it becomes evident that the nature of forced disappearance goes beyond concealing the physical remains and encompasses the challenge of establishing a connection between the victim’s name and the recovered body. This identification process is a second scenario that engenders frustration among forensic anthropologists.

Unfortunately, even when a missing person is identified and their remains are returned to their family, additional circumstances give rise to frustration. The role undertaken by forensic anthropologists to “uncover the truth” (CNMH 2014) stems from the fact that families not only seek the recovery of their loved one’s remains but also yearn for answers about the circumstances surrounding the disappearance, ultimately seeking justice. This situation emphasizes that the search, recovery, identification, and return of the remains of victims of forced disappearance, while necessary, are not sufficient in meeting the families’ expectations. They anticipate that the efforts of forensic anthropologists will not only lead to the discovery of their relative’s remains but also provide crucial information to shed light on the events that took place. This constitutes a third source of frustration for the forensic anthropologists.

The fourth source of frustration is linked to the significant disparity between the number of forced disappearance cases and the limited availability of forensic anthropologists in Colombia. As one participant expressed, “Searching for 120,000 individuals is no easy task for a team of fewer than seventy anthropologists nationwide” (participant 3, 2019). This discrepancy makes the goal of finding all the missing individuals unattainable, forcing forensic anthropologists to prioritize cases and negotiate their time allocation among families searching for different victims. Regarding case prioritization, another interviewee remarked, “If we try and don’t find anything... we won’t go back to that particular case... as there are countless other cases” (participant 4, 2019). Dividing their time among various cases also involves the challenging task of explaining to families why it might take a long time to locate their missing loved one. One interviewee shared an example of difficult conversations they have had with relatives of the disappeared, highlighting the complexities faced in such circumstances:

I’m actively searching for your father, and also the father of this other person, along with many others. You see, the institution I work for is dedicated to finding at least 120,000 individuals. The fact that we don’t update you every single day about our progress in finding your brother doesn’t mean we haven’t been tirelessly searching or that we value someone else more. It’s because your brother is just as important as any other farmer or woman out there. (Participant 2, 2019)

Another aggravating factor that significantly affects the interviewees’ experiences is working in territories where the armed conflict is still ongoing. This aspect adds another layer of complexity to their work. One case shared by an interviewee illustrates how fieldwork is not only influenced by challenging geographical and climatic conditions but also subject to the decisions and actions of armed actors in the territory:

A witness says it’s here, so we search all day in that area, but we don’t find the body. There’s a pit here, a trench there, the sun is setting, and we have to leave this zone because it’s controlled by an armed group, even though we have their consent. Due to security measures, we have to go. (Participant 4, 2019)

Moreover, the ongoing armed conflict often creates obstacles that hinder search operations. The interviewee further explains, “We needed an agreement between the armed forces and the armed group, ensuring a cessation of activities in the area, so that we could enter and conduct the search, but such an agreement was never reached” (participant 4, 2019). Working in a territory marked by active conflict becomes the fifth source of frustration for forensic anthropologists. Despite their preparedness and the potential for significant discoveries, all their efforts can be thwarted by the decisions made by armed groups operating in the region.

In addition to grappling with the inherent challenges of forced disappearance cases, the interviewees consistently emphasized a sixth source of frustration: institutional difficulties stemming from a lack of political will or resources.

Corruption, financial constraints, time limitations, the scarcity of professionals in this field, the limited number of well-trained experts—these are the factors that truly frustrate us. For example, the forensic examiner lacks the necessary laboratory materials and is not receiving proper training. In the field, everything becomes a struggle, from having to personally cover the costs of a broken-down vehicle to the constant battle against time. (Participant 5, 2019)

Hence, institutional dynamics contribute to further sources of frustration. In relation to this, one of the interviewees expresses the following sentiment:

I am currently affiliated with a government institution, and it has been challenging for me to adapt to the timelines, work dynamics, and decision-making processes […] It’s not just frustrating because what I do falls short, but also because of the things I wish I could do. (Participant 2, 2019)

Another interviewee articulates their frustration, highlighting the impact of endless paperwork, unfruitful inquiries, and institutional silence on their work, “It’s the endless paperwork, endless phone calls, [making] hypotheses about where [the missing person] could be and not finding any answers. For me, frustration is the institutional silence” (participant 1, 2019).

The challenges faced by forensic anthropologists extend beyond logistical and administrative hurdles. They also grapple with the pervasive issue of impunity and the lack of recognition for the crimes committed during the armed conflict. Moreover, these professionals carry the burden of a history of institutional indifference and the constant struggle to establish trust with the families, all while realizing that they may not be able to fully meet their needs. Consequently, the interaction between forensic experts and the families of forced disappearance victims is fraught with additional complexities.

The long-standing culture of impunity surrounding forced disappearances in Colombia places a heavy weight on forensic anthropologists who represent institutions that have historically violated the rights of victim families. Participant 6 (2019) elucidates this challenge, stating, “When you are on one side, people say, ‘You are part of it, so you are also responsible.’ That part is tough.” Being affiliated with an institution that has been implicated in the armed conflict or has been negligent in fulfilling its responsibilities across the nation further contributes to the frustrations experienced by forensic professionals.

In sum, the interviews with forensic anthropologists revealed a multitude of factors that contribute to immense frustration in their work. These include the various methods used for forced disappearances, the complex geographical terrain of Colombia, the challenging process of identification, the immense pressure from families to uncover the truth, the overwhelming number of cases compared to the limited resources available, the difficulties of working in conflict-affected areas, and the added weight of belonging to institutions with a history of human rights violations against the victims. These conditions collectively generate significant frustration and pose considerable obstacles for forensic anthropologists in their pursuit of justice and closure for the families of the disappeared.

Efforts to Manage Frustration

We found that the forensic anthropologists interviewed work in conditions that can be highly frustrating. They encounter obstacles that impede the attainment of their desired goals, resulting in a lack of satisfaction (Berkowitz 1989; Dollard et al. 1939; Freud 1923). Our hypothesis suggests that the emotional experience of frustration among forensic anthropologists is characterized by increased motivation and intensified efforts to locate victims of forced disappearance, rather than a tendency to withdraw. In the following section, we present the emotional coping mechanisms that the interviewed participants reported employing during their search processes, allowing them to persevere in their work despite the challenging and frustrating circumstances they face.

A Sense of Competence

One crucial factor that enables forensic anthropologists to persist in their work despite not always achieving the objective of locating victims of forced disappearance is their sense of competence. As one interviewee expresses, “To put our knowledge at the service of others, that is satisfying. It repairs me, alleviates my sadness, my frustrations” (participant 7, 2019). For this individual, the feeling that their expertise is valuable to others brings inherent satisfaction, even if it does not always lead to a discovery. Similarly, another interviewee states, “You have to remain aware of the fact that you have the tools to support the person seeking that information, to help them uncover the truth they want... We have much to give, much to do” (participant 6, 2019). According to self-determination theory, competence is one of the fundamental human needs and promotes intrinsic motivation (Deci and Ryan 2012). The narratives of forensic anthropologists suggest that feeling competent can serve as a way to manage frustration, keeping them motivated and maintaining their efforts in the search for missing persons.

Furthermore, the narratives of forensic anthropologists highlight the significant role of the bond established between them and the families of the victims of forced disappearance (Ferllini 2013; Williams and Crews 2003). One interviewee emphasizes the sense of reassurance that comes from feeling competent in their work and being honest with the families about their findings: “It brings me a sense of peace, both emotionally and personally, knowing that we are doing our utmost best and being transparent with them [the families]” (participant 3, 2019).

Many of the interviewees further elaborate on the connection between feeling competent and the efforts they make to demonstrate the value of their work to the families. One interviewee specifically addresses a strategy for managing cases where the families of the victims may have doubts about the search process:

I have worked extensively in locations where I have reached the conclusion, “It’s not here.” But the families ask, “Can we be sure?” I have explained to them, “You’ve seen it, but yes, we’ll dig fifty centimeters deeper in a small pit,” and I assure them that we’ll encounter the same soil, same compactness, same color. We need to provide them with tangible evidence. So, we offer them the proof based on our prediction and provide them with a firsthand experience. It’s only then, with a pickaxe and shovel in their hands, that they truly understand the difficulty involved. Their active participation and an ongoing explanation of the process help them grasp the scientific principles involved. (Participant 4, 2019)

In the given example, the interviewee showcases their capacity to draw scientific conclusions based on their expertise and, more importantly, effectively communicate this knowledge to the families of the victims. This indicates their understanding of the families’ need for concrete evidence and their desire to comprehend the scientific findings, even in cases where no actual discovery is made. The anthropologist must possess the skill to convey complex information to non-experts and, crucially, establish a meaningful and empathetic interaction with the families during the search process. This involves recognizing their pain, addressing their needs, and acknowledging their potential contribution as key elements. The anthropologist’s competence in their work enables them to provide answers and bring satisfaction to the families. Another interviewee vividly illustrates how their dedication and ability to offer information to the families serve as sources of fulfillment in their role.

The real sense of fulfillment often comes not only from recovering a body or any physical evidence, but from hearing the family say, “I now understand that all the efforts made by you and many others were to reveal the truth that my loved one was indeed murdered and disposed of in a river or crematorium, and I may never find them.” That, to me, brings a profound sense of peace. (Participant 6, 2019)

The interplay between the forensic anthropologist and the families of victims of forced disappearance reveals a reciprocal exchange. The narratives of the participants emphasize how the act of sharing knowledge with the families not only brings satisfaction to the forensic anthropologist but also deeply resonates with the families themselves, imbuing the work with greater meaning and fulfillment for both parties involved:

When you consistently keep the family informed about challenges, share your plans with them, manage their expectations responsibly, and respect their right to know, to be informed, to engage in dialogue, and to understand the reasons behind your actions, that’s when I can truly feel at ease and notice that they also feel at peace. (Participant 7, 2019)

Moreover, the engagement with the families of the victims serves as a wellspring of motivation for forensic anthropologists, propelling them to persist in their endeavors. This connection resonates with the theory of self-determination, emphasizing the inherent human need to establish meaningful relationships (Deci and Ryan 2012). The interviewees articulated that their proximity to the families instilled a sense of purpose and commitment, enabling them to navigate through difficult circumstances with unwavering dedication:

There came a point where it was like, “I don’t want this anymore, I’m going to quit, I don’t want to see any more of this.” That’s when my boss, seeing me in that state, would send me on a delivery or assign me to conduct an interview with a family. And of course, in when you’re with the family, you realize, like, I’m doing this for them. My work is for them. Nothing else matters, you know? […] Then, I would go back and calm down, and then, of course, I would get back into my normal rhythm. (Participant 8, 2019)

In sum, the work of forensic anthropologists presents numerous challenges and potential frustrations. One approach they employ to manage these frustrations is by recognizing their competence in their field. Their extensive expertise and qualifications as experts in the search for victims of forced disappearance contribute to a sense of inherent satisfaction in their work. However, a critical aspect lies in ensuring that the families of the victims are convinced of the accuracy of the forensic anthropologists’ findings. This requires the translation of expert scientific knowledge into everyday language and the presentation of compelling evidence to the families. The interaction between forensic anthropologists and the families of the victims is a complex process that occurs at the intersection of rigorous scientific work and the bond formed through the shared experience of a painful ordeal.

Small Victories

Every advancement, no matter how modest, in cases of disappearance offers forensic anthropologists an opportunity to affirm their competence and share their knowledge with the families of the victims. While it may not involve the complete discovery, identification, and return of a person’s remains, achieving partial objectives still brings a sense of fulfillment. One interviewee highlights this by stating, “every time you have the opportunity, you recover a body, finish an analysis, I don’t know, you had an interview with a family, you talked, those are little things that make you feel good” (participant 9, 2019). Thus, an intriguing aspect revealed in the interviews is how forensic anthropologists evaluate situations that could potentially be perceived as failures:

I have carried out week-long excavations with over 400, 500 holes, several of them. For me, it’s not necessarily bad not to find anything. Making 400 holes in a field, for me, is not a negative outcome because it allows me to rule out that the person is there. (Participant 10, 2019)

In this instance, the interviewee recounts a search operation in which, despite their best efforts, they did not locate the specific body they were seeking. Such an outcome has the potential to generate frustration, as the desired objective remains unfulfilled (Berkowitz 1989; Dollard et al. 1939). However, the participant perceives this situation as a valuable finding in itself, as it confirms the absence of the body in that particular area. The acquisition of information and the elimination of hypotheses are regarded as accomplishments. Evaluating the situation in this manner does not imply that the ultimate goal will never be achieved, thus avoiding dissatisfaction. Instead, it is considered a significant achievement in its own right. This evaluation plays a pivotal role in mitigating negative emotions and fostering a proactive approach, characterized by the determination to maintain or increase search efforts. A similar perspective is observed in the following quotation:

The small but significant triumph lies in obtaining information, you see? Silence and information. When we already know something, we say, “Well, we know that your son’s body is not among those in the custody of the Colombian state, so let’s move on to another path,” like opening new avenues. (Participant 1, 2019)

Once again, in this scenario, an event that might initially be disheartening, such as discovering that a body is not located where it was expected, is reframed as valuable new information. The positive aspect lies in the fact that this information allows investigators to eliminate unproductive investigative paths and redirect their efforts towards more promising avenues in the search for the missing victim. The notion of acquiring information is deeply intertwined with providing something meaningful to the families of the victims. One of the interviewees eloquently expresses this sentiment as follows:

The chance to have close and continuous contact with the individuals who are searching results in a strong and constant flow of information. This diminishes the frustration stemming from the progress made. (Participant 2, 2019)

Effective communication between forensic anthropologists and the families of the victims plays a crucial role in helping both parties cope with frustration. Within this context, maintaining constant and open lines of communication regarding the search processes becomes a fundamental aspect of their interaction, even in cases where the remains are not found. One participant encapsulates this sentiment by stating, “For me, it’s about being able to make a contribution, primarily to the families, you know? […] You realize that this contribution is actually making a difference” (participant 6, 2019). Thus, finding the victims of forced disappearances is not the sole means of achieving the ultimate goal. The significance of the relationship with the families of the victims extends beyond the scientific tasks of exhumation and identification. Forensic anthropologists also strive to offer solace in the face of the families’ grief. In this regard, alternative avenues emerge where they can fulfill this role, and one of them is by providing information. As expressed by one interviewee, “In many cases where we cannot find the remains, even having some truth from perpetrators or other sources can contribute significantly to the families’ healing process” (participant 3, 2019).

Fundamentally, each accomplishment in the search for missing victims allows forensic anthropologists to apply their expertise, fostering a sense of competence in their field. An essential aspect that contributes to their satisfaction is the ability to reframe challenging situations, such as the inability to locate a body, as valuable sources of new information that deepen their understanding of a disappearance case. Even ruling out a potential burial site can still yield significant contributions to their overall investigation. Moreover, the act of sharing this knowledge with the families remains a vital element in deriving fulfillment from the partial achievements made during the search process. Through providing information and maintaining open communication, forensic anthropologists establish a meaningful connection with the families, which further enriches their work.

Commitment and distance

The narratives shared by the participants highlight the profound significance of the relationship between forensic anthropologists and the families of victims of forced disappearance. This interaction carries an emotional impact for both parties, stemming from the gravity of the crime, the prevailing sense of impunity, the profound anguish, and the overwhelming uncertainty (Ferllini 2017; 2013). The dedication shown to the families, alongside the emotional weight associated with it, gives rise to a delicate balance between engagement and detachment. Reflecting on this commitment, one of the interviewees remarks the following:

When there’s something new coming up, a new case, I suffer because I know that it’s like... once I establish a connection, it’s very difficult to break it, you see? [...] I know that I won’t be able to detach myself anymore; it’s a commitment, and that has an emotional cost in both directions. I receive a lot of love and affection from them, but also their pain and frustration, so it’s both things. (Participant 1, 2019)

The notion of involvement or commitment, as elucidated by Boltanski (2004), revolves around the intentional orientation towards action when confronted with the suffering of others. Das’s (2008) concept of “poisoned knowledge” further elucidates this perspective, describing how suffering operates and resonates with those who approach the pain of others in a committed manner. The committed listener must not only empathize but also bear the signs of the wound, attributing meaning to them through narrative acts and the intricate work of repairing relationships and providing recognition to those whom societal norms have condemned (Das 2008, 248). This aligns with Aranguren-Romero’s (2008) proposition to address the emotional experience of accompanying someone’s pain as entering the other’s space and allowing that other to enter one’s own, so that they resonate together and enable personal openness. This understanding sheds light on the interaction that occurs between forensic professionals and the families of the disappeared.

According to the interviewees, this commitment also entails challenges. One of the participants exemplifies the difficulties encountered while working with the relatives of a victim of forced disappearance:

Sometimes, dealing with her is like, “Oh my God, I don’t want to, I can’t take it anymore” because it’s very demanding, very demanding. I have a lot of respect for her because she has done incredible things […] but, wow, it can be so difficult sometimes. (Participant 2, 2019)

The complexities inherent in both the interaction with families and the challenges of forensic work necessitate that forensic anthropologists create a certain level of distance from their commitments. This involves setting aside their deep involvement in cases of forced disappearance and their interactions with the families of the victims, allowing for opportunities outside of work to promote personal recovery. The following are two examples of different strategies mentioned by the interviewees as ways to establish this necessary distance:

I have a cat [laughs]. He’s a cat that moves me. I have a very tranquil personal life. I’m not talking about happiness, success, or triumph, but about tranquility. I have a small but incredibly strong network of friends, people I care about, a peaceful family. I have literature and a wonderful psychoanalyst [laughs]. So, I have lots of tools, I believe, with bonds of love. I think that’s extremely important. (Participant 1, 2019)

I teach here, and I love working with students. Now that I think about it, that has been a strategy for me. […] Teaching meant that I would get to the office completely refreshed. (Participant 2, 2019)

The narratives shared by the participants illuminate the interplay between commitment and detachment. This tension is captured by one of the interviewees, who states:

To prioritize the other person’s needs before your own, but at the same time, not allowing it to affect you. To have the awareness that if you are not ok, you won’t be able to help the other person in any way. You have to be clear on that and always strive to do things for the well-being of the other person while also looking after yourself. (Participant 8, 2019)

This segment of the narrative provides insight into the intricate tension faced by forensic anthropologists, as they navigate the delicate balance between being present for the families of the victims during their profound suffering and prioritizing their own well-being. This recognition is crucial because establishing a certain level of distance and practicing self-care are what enable forensic anthropologists to maintain their commitment and engagement with others. The interplay between commitment and detachment serves as another strategy for managing frustration, as illustrated in the following account:

I know that they have their reality and I have mine. There is a point where we converge, they as the ones seeking answers or investigating, and I am part of that process. But there comes a point where I have to step back, otherwise there will be none of me left for the next person, for another family going through the same situation? What remains of me, what can I give them if they have already taken all of me? And what about my own loved ones, what is my foundation? You know, having spaces like enjoying a drink, listening to music, reading a poem, holding hands with my spouse, being with my child, having fun, watching a soccer match. Those are my personal spaces, and the stronger, more solid, and fully present I am in those spaces, the better I can respond on the other side. (Participant 5, 2019)

The interaction between forensic anthropologists and the families of victims of forced disappearances presents challenges for both parties involved. The narratives shared by the interviewees vividly demonstrate their unwavering dedication to addressing the pain experienced by others, fostering a profound personal connection in the process. However, this closeness, combined with the demanding nature of forensic work, necessitates the establishment of a certain level of distance through various strategies. Creating this sense of distance enables forensic anthropologists to navigate frustration, strengthen their own well-being, and subsequently re-engage in a committed relationship with the families of the disappeared victims. As a result, a harmonious interplay between commitment and detachment emerges within the realm of forensic work. This delicate balance allows for the preservation of both professional integrity and personal well-being, ultimately enabling the forensic anthropologist to continue providing support to the families while managing the challenges inherent in their work.

Conclusion

In conclusion, the work of forensic anthropologists in Colombia, aimed at finding victims of forced disappearance, is undoubtedly challenging and can lead to frustration. Despite these difficulties, they remain motivated and dedicated to their mission. The sources of frustration they encounter include complex political environments, obstacles in search territories, and the high expectations of the victims’ families, which can be difficult to fulfill.

However, it is essential to recognize that the challenges and emotional management strategies discussed in this study are not unique to forensic anthropologists. Other professionals working in humanitarian contexts, such as forensic archaeologists, psychologists, social workers, volunteers, and more, also encounter similar situations that can exceed their possible courses of action and lead to frustration. At the same time, the work of these professionals increasingly demands close interaction with the victims. This entails emotional involvement and an expectation for them to develop psychosocial care skills that were not previously required in their role. In this sense, emotional management techniques found to be used by forensic anthropologists may also be employed by a broader spectrum of humanitarian workers, as identified in the present article.

Throughout the study, three key strategies emerged that forensic anthropologists use to manage their frustration on an emotional level. Firstly, they derive satisfaction from recognizing their competence in their work and effectively communicating their findings to the families of the victims. Secondly, they reframe frustrating situations, where no discoveries are made, as partial victories by obtaining valuable information that narrows down the search. Lastly, they strike a delicate balance between commitment and distance, enabling them to care for their own well-being while remaining engaged with the families of the victims.

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