Railway and Memory: Companhia Paulista through the Lens of Race and Class between 1930 and 1970 ❧

Lania Stefanoni Ferreira

Universidade Federal do abc e Centro Universitário fei, Brazil

https://doi.org/10.7440/histcrit84.2022.03

Received: May 9, 2021 / Accepted: August 25, 2021 / Revised: September 24, 2021

Abstract. Objective/context: this paper is the result of a doctoral research that sought to analyze the trajectories of black and white railroad workers in the interior of the State of São Paulo, Brazil, in the cities of Rio Claro, São Carlos, and Araraquara between 1930 and 1970. The research focused on a reading of how railroad companies in the 20th century, in addition to interconnecting regions and bringing workers of different races closer together, influenced their ascension and mobility in the economic, political, social, and cultural fields in relation to other workers of the period. It aimed to analyze the trajectories and memories of these workers, to understand how black and white workers related to each other considering race and class issues. Methodology: based on the methodological concepts of memory and oral history, approximately 75 former Companhia Paulista railway workers were interviewed. Direct and indirect documentary sources such as books, articles, period newspapers, and other printed materials were also used in the research. Originality: the article advances the analyses presented in terms of possible intersections impregnated by oral history under the criterion of ethnicity and their position occupied in the world of work. Conclusions: the idea of a railway family was adapted to the myth of racial democracy, in its double meaning: although internal conflicts may exist, recognition as railway workers opened the way for all of the workers in the environment outside of work. The ambiguity between color and class coexisted in the trajectory of the interviewees as a relationship of implication, not of causality. The reduction of distances by means of informal cohabitation had an emotional background that was present even in those relationships that would be more characteristically impersonal. The fetish of equality among railroad workers functioned as a mediator in class relations, which contributed to the fact that conflictive situations frequently did not result in factual conflicts, but in conciliations within the railroad company.

Keywords: ethnic-racial relations, memory, oral history, railroad, railroad workers.

Ferrocarril y memoria: la Companhia Paulista bajo el criterio de raza y clase entre 1930 y 1970

Resumen. Objetivo/Contexto: este artículo es resultado de una investigación de doctorado que pretendió analizar las trayectorias de ferroviarios, negros y blancos, en el interior del Estado de São Paulo, Brasil, en las ciudades de Río Claro, São Carlos y Araraquara, entre 1930 y 1970. La investigación se centró en cómo las empresas ferroviarias del siglo xx, además de interconectar regiones y aproximar trabajadores de diferentes razas, influyeron en la ascensión y la movilidad de estos en el campo económico, político, social y cultural, en comparación con otros trabajadores del periodo. El objetivo fue analizar las trayectorias y las memorias de estos trabajadores operarios y comprender cómo trabajadores blancos y negros se relacionaban en lo que se refiere a temas de raza y clase. Metodología: a partir de los conceptos metodológicos de memoria e historia oral, fueron entrevistados cerca de 75 exferroviarios de la Companhia Paulista; se contó, además, con fuentes documentales directas e indirectas, como libros, artículos, periódicos de época y demás materiales impresos, para la realización de la investigación. Originalidad: el artículo avanza en los análisis presentados, en cuanto a las intersecciones posibles impregnadas por la historia oral bajo el criterio de la etnia y la oposición que se presentaba en el mundo laboral. Conclusiones: la idea de familia ferroviaria se adaptó al mito de la democracia racial, por significado doble: si bien los conflictos internos podían existir, posibilitaba a todos sus trabajadores el reconocimiento como ferroviarios, en el ambiente externo al trabajo. La ambigüedad entre color y clase coexistía en la trayectoria de los entrevistados como una relación de implicación y no de causalidad. La apariencia de la reducción de las distancias por medio de la informalidad en el convivio tuvo un fondo emotivo que fue presente aun en aquellas relaciones que serían más característicamente impersonales. El fetiche de la igualdad, entre los ferroviarios, funcionó como mediador en las relaciones de clase, y en mucho aportó a que situaciones conflictivas frecuentemente no resultaran en conflictos de hecho, pero en conciliaciones en el interior del ferrocarril.

Palabras clave: ferrocarril, ferroviarios, historia oral, memoria, relaciones étnico-raciales.

Ferrovia e memória: a Companhia Paulista pelo crivo de raça e classe entre 1930 e 1970

Resumo. Objetivo/contexto: este trabalho é resultado de uma pesquisa de doutorado que buscou analisar as trajetórias de ferroviários, negros e brancos, no interior do Estado de São Paulo, Brasil, nas cidades de Rio Claro, São Carlos e Araraquara, entre 1930 e 1970. A pesquisa dedicou-se a uma leitura de como as empresas ferroviárias do século xx, além de interligarem regiões e aproximarem trabalhadores de diferentes raças, influenciaram na ascensão e na mobilidade destes no campo econômico, político, social e cultural ante os outros trabalhadores da época. Objetivou-se analisar as trajetórias e as memórias desses operários, e compreender como trabalhadores brancos e negros se relacionavam no que tange às questões de raça e classe. Metodologia: a partir dos conceitos metodológicos de memória e história oral, foram entrevistados cerca de 75 ex-ferroviários da Companhia Paulista; contou-se, ainda, com fontes documentais diretas e indiretas, como livros, artigos, jornais de época e demais materiais impressos na realização da pesquisa. Originalidade: o artigo avança nas análises apresentadas, no que se refere às intersecções possíveis permeadas pela história oral pelo crivo da etnia e pela posição ocupada no mundo do trabalho. Conclusões: a ideia de família ferroviária adaptou-se ao mito da democracia racial por seu duplo significado: apesar dos conflitos internos que pudessem existir, possibilitava a todos seus trabalhadores o reconhecimento como ferroviários, no ambiente externo ao trabalho. A ambiguidade entre cor e classe coexistia na trajetória desses entrevistados como uma relação de implicação e não de causalidade. A aparência do encurtamento das distâncias por meio da informalidade no convívio teve um fundo emotivo que permeou mesmo aquelas relações que seriam mais caracteristicamente impessoais. O fetiche da igualdade entre os ferroviários funcionou como mediador nas relações de classe que em muito contribuiu para que situações conflitivas frequentemente não resultassem em conflitos de fato, mas em conciliação no interior da ferrovia.

Palavras-chave: ferrovia, ferroviários, história oral, memória, relações étnico-raciais.

Introduction

The work presented here builds upon doctoral research1 exploring the experiences of railway workers, both black and white, in the interior of the State of São Paulo, Brazil. The study focuses specifically on the cities of Rio Claro, São Carlos, and Araraquara from 1930 to 19702. The analyses provided are intended to enhance the findings from interviews collected during the research, offering deeper insights and interpretations of the 20th-century railway companies. The objective is to demonstrate how the railway system, beyond connecting regions and bringing workers of different races together, influenced the economic, political, social, and cultural mobility and advancement of these workers compared to other labor groups of the time.

It is hypothesized that the concept of the “railway family,” crafted by the management of Companhia Paulista, was adopted by the workers as a means to unify their class and as a tool in their fight for rights. However, this concept was reinterpreted within the context of both horizontal andvertical relationships among the workers, which were influenced, to a great extent, by ethnic and racial inequalities.

Based on a series of interviews3 with former railway workers, this article highlights the trajectories of these male workers, given that the number of women employed in the railway sector during the period in question was relatively low. The purpose of the study was to shed light on the economic and social advancements of both black and white workers, their cultural and economic influences, and the internal dynamics within the railway environment. Besides the interviews, analyzed using the oral history method, the research also incorporates various theoretical and methodological resources related to memory, including documentary sources, photographs, and period newspapers.

Research on railways in the interior of São Paulo tends to overlook ethnic relations among railway workers themselves, focusing instead on the broader socioeconomic impact of the railway in Brazil. For instance, Odilon Nogueira de Matos’4 work provides an excellent historical account of the development of railway transportation in the State of São Paulo. In this context, Wilma Peres Costa5 addresses three themes: São Paulo’s coffee production, railway expansion, and the transition to a wage labor system. The significance of the railways is linked to the hypothesis that it became the seed of a wage labor market in Brazil, particularly in São Paulo, attracting and concentrating both national and foreign labor.

Regarding the relationship between work and railway workers, three key works are noteworthy. The first, Ferrovias e Ferroviários: Uma Contribuição para a Análise do Poder Disciplinar na Empresa by Liliana Segnini6, explores the evolution of the disciplinary system within railway companies. Segnini discusses how the railway station and its clock introduced new rhythms to urban life, impacting both the cityscape and labor relations. The second work is by Liliana Bueno dos Reis Garcia,7 and delves into the introduction of scientific management methods in the company, founded on Taylorist principles. The third work is by Álvaro Tenca,8 who explores the rationalizing actions and control over the work process imposed by the company through the creation of professional training courses. Tenca’s research is based on the narratives of students who attended the railway training course in Rio Claro between 1935 and 1948.

The primary themes of these works include the coffee-railway relationship, the mode of production, the rationalization of labor, and the extension of capital’s control over labor through vocational education. The analyses focusing on the work-railway relationship were limited to the establishment of disciplinary mechanisms in railway work and their effects on railway workers’ behavior. Although these works emphasize the workers’ perspectives, they do not address the possibility of other types of relationships, such as ethnic-racial issues, alongside the work-related aspects.

The railway worker was subsumed under the discipline of the companies, perhaps because the work in railway transportation depicted in these studies is associated with the early development of Brazilian industrialization, and issues related to racial inequalities had not yet gained the prominence they have today.

This article explores various aspects of the lives of railway workers, both black and white. It seeks to elucidate their trajectories, examining the political, economic, and social advancements of black and white workers, as well as their cultural and economic influences in the regions they served. The objective is to complement existing studies by highlighting the social dynamics within the railway system, with a particular focus on an often overlooked group: black railway workers. By presenting the diverse experiences of black and white railway workers through their oral narratives and memories, this article elucidates the multifaceted nature of their experiences and contributions.

1. The railway and railroad workers: The daily life and history of a class

To understand the history of railways and their workers, we must turn back to the 19th century. Immigrants have been present in Brazil since its discovery, but immigration became a mass phenomenon in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. This surge was driven by the demand for labor in the coffee plantations,9 particularly in the State of São Paulo.

The need to transport coffee efficiently and safely required mobilization from both the state and the coffee growers of the time. Thus, the railway emerged “in this province with the purpose of facilitating the transportation of coffee from the interior to the coast of São Paulo.”10 Along with the railway, a proletariat emerged in the interior of São Paulo, centered around the large and medium-sized companies linked to the railway industry.

The coffee cycle and the railway “completely transformed the geographical, demographic, cultural, and social landscape of the interior of São Paulo.”11 The municipalities of Rio Claro, São Carlos, and Araraquara were among the major coffee production centers in the State of São Paulo. This required a more efficient and faster transportation method for their output, which was made possible by the railway. The railway reached Rio Claro in 1876, and the original plan was to continue directly to Ribeirão Preto, bypassing São Carlos. However, influential landowners from São Carlos, led by the Conde do Pinhal, successfully campaigned to redirect the railway to their city in 1884. By the following year, the railway had extended to Araraquara.12

The demand for workers to build the railway attracted a significant number of immigrants and other groups, including freed black individuals. In this setting, immigrants formed social relationships with black workers, leading to the creation of new identities, such as the “railway family,” through their interactions.13 In addition to driving significant urbanization changes in these cities, the railway contributed to the economic advancement of many of its workers, both white and black.14 Many black individuals who began working on the railway experienced significant improvements in their living conditions due to their employment. This shift helped to reshape and enhance the perception of black workers15. These cities are particularly suitable for research as they encompass three key phenomena of interest: a significant population of black individuals who worked on coffee plantations before abolition, a large influx of immigrants16 and the construction of the railway in the 1870s and 1880s. Although the abolition of slavery did not coincide exactly with the arrival of the railway, many black individuals who stayed in these cities after gaining their freedom worked on the construction of railway branches, as well as in the maintenance and operation of the railway. They became an integral part of the wage labor force.17

The golden age of the railway lasted until the 1940s and 1950s, after which the system began to decline. Several factors contributed to the end of this “era,” including changes in the agricultural sector, transformations in the structure of railway companies, and the fragmentation of tracks due to different gauges.18 The challenges faced by the railway sector can also be attributed to a shift in government policies,19 that favored the automobile industry and the development of a highway system, which gradually replaced the railway as the primary mode of transportation.20

In the context of apparent crisis, decline, and decay, the state assumes most of the burden of this situation through purchases, takeovers, or loans to the deficit-ridden railway companies.21 Thus, in 1961, the State of São Paulo became the majority shareholder of the last major private railway company.22 With the concentration of all São Paulo railways under its control, the state decided to merge these companies23 into a single entity, Ferrovia Paulista SA, in 1971.

Being a railway worker in Brazil, and a member of the railway family, was considered a privilege. This group of workers was among the first to organize into unions and secure labor and social benefits. However, racial division within the workplace persisted in daily interactions, as suggested by some interviews. Even with a strong collective identity,24 characterized by union organization and labor struggles, interviews with railway workers revealed that face-to-face interactions between white and black railway workers often exhibited signs of prejudice and discrimination.

Prejudice was evident in the jokes mentioned by some interviewees, while discrimination was reflected in the perception that only white employees could advance professionally within the company. Although the research does not include statistical data, the qualitative study based on interviews suggests that both informal and institutional prejudice permeated social relations within the company and its entire hierarchy, especially among managers when selecting individuals for promotion.

We must consider the historical context of this analysis, which begins during the reorganization of power blocs in Brazil, starting with the establishment of the “Estado Novo” (1930-1945), moving through the “Populist” period (1945-1964), and the Military Regime (1964), concluding in 1970. This context is crucial, especially given the active participation of railway workers in the events of this period, making them central historical figures in the political and social transformations of the time. Despite significant state intervention in the daily lives and political practices of the labor movement, the years from 1930 to 1964 were fundamental for the working class, particularly railway workers, as important policies, such as the introduction of labor laws, were achieved during this period. Brazilian labor unions at the time were state-affiliated, and despite their corporatist and paternalistic characteristics, they succeeded in securing significant gains and basic rights for workers.25 There was a certain degree of organization within the working class, despite the limitations imposed by the state.26

In the period following 1964, the state increased its oversight of unions, reducing them to welfare and bureaucratic entities. The military state suppressed any signs of mobilization or combativeness from the labor movement, using all possible means of repression to control workers. During this period, the weakening of railway workers was significant, as political repression coincided with the dismantling of the Brazilian railway system and government incentives shifting to the road sector, along with changes and orientations in the organization of railway companies, as previously mentioned. After 1968, the space for the labor movement practically disappeared, with repression and violence imposing silence and suppressing strikes, which would only reemerge in the late 1970s. By then, railway workers were no longer the central figures of the labor movement,27 marking the end of the period analyzed in this article.

2. Sociology and memory: exploring narrated recollections

Memory plays a central role in this study. Through it, we sociologically and historically recover the behaviors of railway workers, social representations, labor relations, prestige, union experiences, and many other meanings evoked by the accounts of workers from the Paulista Railway Company.

It is also essential to consider the value that places hold as reference points for people, providing them with a sense of belonging based on their culture and history. These reference points link individuals to places and create diverse identities. Thus, we cannot disregard the historical meanings and social relations present in these spaces; they are political arenas, contested territories where the past, present, and future are disputed.

The railways brought life and vitality to the cities that developed around them. With their workshops, stations, and depots, they employed generations of workers. This study documents and systematizes the fragments of this history, linking the past with the present, a relationship characterized by two distinct periods. On one hand, the era marked by work, social position, movement, and the dynamism typical of railway workers; on the other, the current era, defined by a memory composed of experiences where the primary work is that of memory, striving to convey through narratives the knowledge acquired in practice and the shared experiences of railway workers. In his interview, Mr. Guilherme (who identifies as white) illustrates this temporal link between past and present, connecting and giving meaning to them through the act of recollection:

In the city, we were treated well. Rio Claro was established by the Paulista Railway. Being a railway worker was a good job back then. It was a secure job with reliable pay that was never delayed. A van would come to the station with our wages, and we would receive our payment there. I can almost see the payment van in front of me as I talk to you. All these memories are flooding back now.28

The ability to remember evokes images, sounds, smells, and textures. These memories result from the interaction between the individual recalling and the environment they are in. It is the preservation of the past stored in the subconscious that continuously interacts with and influences the present. Perhaps that is why, when asked about his work, Mr. Guilherme can even imagine the payment van in front of him, making this past a vivid presence in his memory.

The notion of the “railway working class” adopted in this article is understood without being confined to a single culture, as the railway sector encompasses a variety of roles, ranging from those considered lower prestige to those in command positions, each with its own specific characteristics. However, the various narratives and testimonies reveal a particular set of behaviors in relation to the company, unions, and other aspects of life outside of work, allowing for the identification of similar patterns and degrees of identity. The concept of the railway worker used here is informed by the diverse life practices of the individuals and their experiences of proletarianization, akin to Edward Palmer Thompson’s idea of experience29: “a necessary middle term between social being and social consciousness: it is experience (often class experience) that gives a coloration to culture, to values, and to thought.”

Following Palmer Thompson’s conception, we understand class as defined by individuals living their own history—a historical class formed through a social process experienced over time. Therefore, classes do not exist as separate entities; they are agents within a structured society, operating in specific ways, who experience exploitation, identify common interests, and begin to fight for these issues. It is through this process of struggle, that they come to recognize themselves as a class.30

The testimony of Mr. César (who identifies as white) exemplifies how being a railway worker in the context of the cities studied brought meanings and significance to these individuals, constituting them as a class in the public sphere, in contrast to other groups of workers of that period.

Listen, back then, when we would go out, people would say: “Look, that guy works at Paulista.” Because we fought for our rights and we had a pass and healthcare, we had everything. And it wasn’t like, you were working one day, and the boss fired you the next.

We were well-liked everywhere, by everyone and by other workers in different positions. Paulista employees were well regarded. Because the job was steady, you’d only get fired if you got into fights, for stealing or drinking. (...) They treated us well in the city, regardless of our position. There was no preference in terms of position, but if you said you were a railroad worker, you had access. The pay was good, it was the best on the market.

Question: Even the lowest-ranking workers were treated this way?

Answer: Oh, absolutely, everyone was treated like that in the city, compared to other jobs. Skin color and position were irrelevant ((laughs)).31

This perception is evident in the testimonies of interviewees who identify as black, such as Mr. Fernando:

Thanks to Companhia Paulista, we were respected. We had doctors, hospitals, health insurance, warehouses. How can I say anything bad about that? I can only regret that it’s over. I never forget how I was perceived by others in the city. At the time, railroad workers were the happiest men in the world, walking anywhere with their heads held high. They were the most valuable employees. We had credit everywhere, so they thought that being a railroad worker was the best there was.32

Analogous to the studies of Palmer Thompson, railway workers formed themselves as a class through their lived experiences under specific production relations. They navigated their circumstances within a web of social relations, inheriting culture and expectations, and shaping these experiences into cultural forms within real contexts. It is through the memories of these workers that we can understand this past, rich with meanings and representations, both in terms of labor relations and social and ethnic-racial interactions.

Researching and studying nearly extinct professional groups presents significant challenges. In such cases, it is essential to justify the use of testimonies as primary sources of information while acknowledging their limitations. By recovering both ephemeral and significant facts, we can compare these findings with historical records, even if we must often rely on hypothetical reconstructions. The sociological study of memory through interviews and information from the shared past of a group, in this case, railway workers, appeals to dimensions eroded by time and shaped by the narrators’ selections.

Remembrance is a process in which the past penetrates the structure of the present not as a vague symbol, but as reconstituted time. Narrated memory, relating to aspects of the social life of individuals within a specific culture, undergoes a process of valorization and is surrounded by uncertainties. When described, it proposes a continuity between past, present, and future, sketched as a condition imposed by the linearity of thought, and strives to attribute a continuous character to memories, emphasizing what is “worthy” of being narrated.

In sociological studies, memory is analyzed based on its scientific relevance and objectivity in understanding contemporary society.33 According to Fernandes,34 sociology examines interaction by observing, interpreting, and describing it as part of the organization and modification of various social units. The sociologist must address both the dynamic and cultural aspects of these units to avoid reducing the analysis to personality studies, which are central to sociological explanation, as Bourdieu asserts.35 Thus, studying memory is challenging when relying solely on individual recollections, which are not enough to fully understand social structure.

However, scholars like Queiroz36, understand that an individual’s unique memory results from the interaction between their specific characteristics, their environment, and all the communities they are part of. Memory is social insofar as it operates within a framework of knowledge about the world, which in turn reflects the individual’s cultural belonging. Thus, oral narratives are considered a human source of knowledge preservation and dissemination, making them valuable data sources for the sciences in general.

Queiroz asserts that oral history is an exemplary technique, valuable for the vividness of its sounds and the richness of its details. “The spoken word was, if not the first, at least one of the oldest techniques used for this purpose. Later, when writing was invented, it was merely a new crystallization of the oral narrative.”37

Therefore, the significance of oral narratives in social knowledge lies not in their expression of individuality or uniqueness, but rather in their reflection of specific social contexts. Researchers use these narratives to capture the perspectives and experiences of social actors based on their positions within the social structure. In this regard, “the narratives are viewed as reflections of broader social movements, representing trajectories embedded within a specific socio-historical context as both products and producers of particular social structures.”38 Certain testimonies, such as those of Mr. Pedro (who identifies as white) and Mr. Gustavo (who identifies as black), illustrate this concept as discussed by Queiroz, particularly in relation to ethnic-racial dynamics and perceptions of discrimination and prejudice within the internal environment of the railway.

Question: Have you heard of discrimination or prejudice against railway workers?

Answer: That Felipe you visited is black, right? ((laughs)). There wasn’t any prejudice; we used to joke around with the black guys we had, you know? Name-calling and stuff! We called them blackie as a joke, saying that when you don’t do it on the way in, you do it on the way out that sort of thing. But in other departments, there was a lot of prejudice. With drivers and workers, because those people are terrible, you know. During tamping, for example, if the line master or the foreman were black, hummm... – subordinates didn’t like being bossed around by blacks.

Question: What did they do?

Answer: They’d say they didn’t like that race. But they had to obey black people because they were the foremen. Those people, when they get a job, they want to be in charge, they want to stand out. You can see, if there’s a black person in charge, they don’t like white people. That race has always been discriminated against. If two black guys are talking and you come up to talk them, they turn around and start talking to each other.39

Mr. Gustavo’s testimony:

Every time Rafael was up for a promotion, a white person was always recommended ahead of him. Even though they were less qualified, they always promoted a white man.40

In this context, Mr. Otávio’s testimony (who identifies as black) reveals that within the internal structure of the Companhia Paulista, blacks were not permitted entry in certain areas.

What happened to me when I left the Paulista railway school was frustrating. When I finished school, there was a graduation ceremony, which was held at Grêmio Paulista. At the time, the Grêmio was prejudiced against people of color, and we weren’t allowed in. I was called into the office, you see, I wasn’t even seventeen, I was just starting out, I didn’t have..., I didn’t have... you know? I had no experience, let’s say. I was called into the office, Mr. Argemiro was president at the time, and he told me I could participate in the graduation ceremony and that I would be given an invitation for my godmother, my father, and my mother. But I thought to myself, should I just bring them to a graduation like this? Not even my siblings can go. The Grêmio president said I could participate, but that only my godmother, father, and mother would receive an invitation. This was about race, and he made it clear that black people weren’t allowed in there. That’s how it was back then, and so, to prevent any conflict, I thought... I told him I would think about it. But when I left I’d already made up my mind. I’m not gonna participate, I’m not gonna do this. I wanted to take my siblings! I wanted my siblings to come! I had colleagues, I couldn’t do this to them! I couldn’t invite them? This was a blow to me, a real shock! The president was very clear. I didn’t attend my graduation. This really shocked me, because others went, and I didn’t want to. (...) Some time passed and we kept this in mind. At the time there were no people of color in the Grêmio. Today, it’s more or less mixed; now, there’s even a black director. But this only came much later; there was no chance back then. I would have liked that, you know, because it’s like the bride, right! It’s posterity, photography, you know? I mean, what a shame, a black man couldn’t climb there. And I said: “I can’t believe this, I’m not going,” and I didn’t. I didn’t go to my own graduation party.41

The use of oral accounts enables us to understand and reflect on the researched theme directly through the voices of its protagonists. Oral history plays a pivotal role in interpreting collective imaginaries and analyzing social representations. Paul Thompson42 underscores the importance of preserving not only physical and spatial memory but also discovering and valuing human memory. The memory of one individual may not solely belong to them but resonate with many others. According to Ecléia Bosi, “old age is a social category. Through the elderly, we can uncover a socially rich and diverse world by reclaiming their memories.”43

The merit of oral history lies not merely in evoking specific political stances, but in highlighting that memory reconstruction occurs within a social context, carrying significant political implications.44 “It enables the addition, unification, differentiation, and correction of the memories of its participants; over time, these memories become ingrained in each individual, shaping their understanding.”45

The accounts of a group unveil both continuities and ruptures; the backgrounds of these narrators, their worldviews, and how they embody their roles as historical subjects. Ruptures stemming from lived experiences become particularly significant when we realize that the past is not a dead time, forgotten in the turned pages of life’s book, but a living, pulsating, and current time. Walter Benjamin46 underscores that the past is not stagnant material but something poised to burst forth with full force into the course of present life. Thus, the past doesn’t merely encapsulate what has already occurred; instead, it holds the potential to reveal future possibilities.

Reflections on memory and the concept of history are pivotal in reaffirming the significance of individual recollections. According to Walter Benjamin, “The chronicler who recounts events, without distinguishing between the great and the small, thereby accounts for the truth, that nothing which has ever happened is to be considered as lost to history.”47

The act of remembering encompasses both individual and social dimensions. Within a group, memories are transmitted, retained, and reinforced. “However, as the interviewee engages with these memories, they gradually personalize the collective memory, shaping what remains based on its personal significance to them.”48 Consequently, while an individual’s history may be recounted from their perspective and appear subjective, it is evident that their personal experiences are shaped by numerous external influences that intersect and impact them. This underscores the idea that representations play a crucial role in shaping collective memory within the group.

For Halbwachs,49 every social idea is a memory of society, and social thought is essentially memory; therefore, we cannot think of anything, we cannot think of ourselves, except through others and for others. Interviews demonstrate these representations when related to issues of racial inequalities and identity construction. An example of this is provided by Mr. Flávio’s interview (who identifies as white):

The job was for those who really wanted it, and you see: the black man, regardless of what you want, is stronger than the white man, and I accept that, because I recognize that black men are stronger. So, they were excellent for that job.50

Memory is shaped by both personal experiences and collective events experienced by the group or community to which a person identifies. Halbwachs51 argues: “Collective memory is the past that continues and lives on in consciousness. It’s not learned history; it’s the lived history on which our memory relies.” According to Mr. Marcos, a black man who had the opportunity to study and pursue a career in the railway industry, he did not encounter any race-related difficulties. He believed he always interacted with white individuals under the same conditions. However, in his testimony, he emphasizes the need to “prove oneself” to gain recognition.

I never noticed it, there was no prejudice. São Carlos was a very racist city, but I didn’t see that at Paulista. I went to school and I didn’t see prejudice, but there was only me and two or three other black people. I always lived among white people, I coexisted with them. Black people in my time lived close to the market and did manual labor. I also only dated white women, but I wasn’t racist.

The thing was, we had to show what we could do to be recognized one day. I never saw this at Paulista. I didn’t experience prejudice there, or at least I didn’t feel it. But, you know, sometimes guys talk. Many said there was prejudice, but I didn’t feel it. The doors were wide open for me. Some things are always there, but I’m talking about my own experience. I was vain, proud, I had my own things, I treated myself. The thing is, many of them came from the farm; my foreman, for example, didn’t even go to elementary school. My job was light, it wasn’t manual work; I worked in the office. I went to industrial school, so I worked in the office.52

But, others who worked with him (Mr. Marcos) considered him to be stuck-up, and the other employees didn’t like to socialize with him. Mr. Gustavo (who identifies as black) refers to him this way:

Ask Marcos how he was disliked on that railroad. He might claim he was well-liked, but I disagree. I corrected Marcos often. When he brought a part from the substation, he was an excellent mechanical lathe operator, well-educated. He wore good pants, polished shoes, always well-dressed. The crew would look and say, “Here comes the big black guy, here comes the cocky one.” He enjoyed dressing neatly, which the crew couldn’t stand. He’d come to the office with me, pass by the warehouse. He’d greet them, saying, “Hi, how are you?” No one would respond; they envied him. They’d gather in the back and bad-mouth him, calling him a stuck-up black guy, saying he should be fired. Marcos would greet everyone politely, saying “hi” and “bye,” but no one responded. Certainly because he was black and educated.53

By prioritizing the memories of old railway workers through oral history, the focus is on interpreting their imagination and analyzing this group’s social representations. Since one person’s memory can reflect the memories of others, collective memory is considered to be social. In other words, individuals remember as part of a group. People have both individual and collective memories, which are not opposed but intertwined: “each individual memory is a perspective on the collective memory; this perspective changes based on the position I occupy and it shifts according to the relationships I maintain with other environments.”54

Halbwachs55 took elements from Durkheim’s56 work to theoretically frame the use of memory and its application in sociological research. For him, memory should be treated as a thing, that is, external to the individual, and emphasize the positive functions exercised by common memory, reinforcing social cohesion through the affective adhesion of the group. Memory, therefore, presents itself as a social construction and is stimulated by social references. Thus, memory should be understood as a collective and social phenomenon, one that is collectively constituted and subject to constant fluctuations, transformations, and changes.

Building on Halbwachs’s ideas,57 we understand that memory work is essentially an elaboration of experience through the recognition and reconstruction of recollections. We live within social frameworks. Our memories are recalled based on this collective reference, namely, the group with which we share a worldview. The persistence of an affective bond allows us to renew this identification with the reference society—whether it is present or absent—and to understand ourselves from a historical social perspective.

These reflections are important because they allow us to understand the collective memory of railway workers, evident at various points of their experiences, such as strikes and collective demands. However, they fall short when considering that racial relations involve a hidden memory that only emerges over time. This is because these experiences and feelings, particularly those related to prejudices and discriminations, had no space in which to be expressed in that context.

When we revisit Mr. Marcos’ testimony, we see that by not addressing the prejudice he experienced, he refers to what Pollak58 calls the “unspeakable,” that which the subject confesses to himself and that which is conveyed to the outside. Therefore, memory is also selective; not everything is kept or recorded. Memory is partly inherited, it fluctuates depending on the point in time in which it is articulated and expressed. Present concerns play a role in structuring memory. It is no longer about treating social facts as things, but rather analyzing how social facts become things and how and by whom they are solidified and endowed with duration and stability: “the boundary between the sayable and the unsayable, the confessable and the unconfessable, separates a subterranean collective memory of the dominated civil society or specific groups from an organized collective memory that represents the image a majority society wishes to convey and impose.”59

For Pollak60, remembering is an act that happens in the present and is provoked by the present; events that correspond to current concerns return from the past. Thus, the social frameworks of memory refer to present stimuli that lead to recollection and the location in the past of what the present has evoked. The frameworks of memory are not limited to dates; they symbolize currents of experiences and thoughts in which the past is rediscovered according to how it was experienced by each individual.

Oral accounts show that memories are transmitted within the family, professional settings, associations, and networks of affective and/or political sociability. The frameworks for recollecting occur in response to another group. It is as members of a group that each individual presents themselves. The groups with which one is in relation are the groups that, more than others, structure memory.

However, if certain memories no longer exist or are forgotten, it is because they were part of a system of relationships that no longer exists in the present. The “compromise” between the frameworks of memory and recollections occurs even when there is incompatibility between these recollections and current relationships, as the relationships that compose the frameworks are made up of memories, just as much as the events, facts, or people remembered. This highlights a fundamental characteristic of the past as reconstituted by memory: it is always a reconstruction. No matter how detailed, it is always a reconstruction shaped by the present.61

When we say that memory is a phenomenon constructed both socially and individually, we can propose that there is a very close link between memory and the feeling of identity. This feeling of identity is the image of oneself, for oneself and for others; in other words, it is the image one constructs and presents to others and to oneself, in order to believe in one’s own representation and to be perceived as one wishes by others.

It is as members of certain groups that we represent ourselves. Mentioning the other leads to considering the feeling of identity as a consequence of a process of change and negotiation, of social and intergroup conflicts. “The construction of identity is a phenomenon that occurs in reference to criteria of acceptability, admissibility, and credibility, and is achieved through direct negotiation with others.”62 And, as memory is continuously reconstructed, there is a continuous reconstruction of the feeling of identity. Pollak asserts: “no one can construct a self-image free from changes, negotiation, or transformation based on the other; memory and identity can be perfectly negotiated.”63

According to Pollak64, there are three essential elements in the construction of identity: first, physical unity, meaning the sense of having physical boundaries in the case of an individual, or boundaries of belonging in the case of a group; second, continuity over time, not only in the physical sense but also in the moral and psychological sense; and third, the sense of coherence, meaning that the different elements that make up an individual are effectively unified. Thus, memory is a fundamental component of both individual and collective identity. It plays a crucial role in providing a sense of continuity and coherence, helping individuals and groups reconstruct their identities and their sense of belonging, or lack thereof, to various groups.

Being a railway worker in Brazil during that period was a prestigious position. All the interviewees expressed pride in their profession, noting that they were treated with a great deal of respect and prestige in their cities. They also mentioned that their employment with the railway granted them credit in local commerce. Often, the identity of being a railway worker was more prominent than ethnic and racial identity.

Establishing a close bond with the interviewees was essential for them to openly discuss ethnic and racial relations. For the white interviewees, their identity as railway workers was more prominent. For black workers, this identity was intertwined with what Pollak calls “subterranean and unspeakable memory,” which could only be addressed through the close relationship between the researcher and the interviewee. The following testimony from Mr. Adriano (who identifies as black) clearly illustrates the intersection of railway worker identity with race and class, as well as the bonds of trust established between the researcher and the interviewee.

Question: Did you identify as black when you worked on the railway?

Answer: I still identify as black today; that doesn’t change in life. Black, my color is black. I’m not ashamed of being black; I’m proud of my color. Even as a black person, I earned respect in my life; I worked for Companhia Paulista.

Question: What were relations like between whites and blacks at Companhia Paulista?

Answer: Different. While you were there, they would talk, but then you’d go out, they’d walk past you and not even look at you; if you were with a white man, they wouldn’t even acknowledge you. And that’s prejudice, but I always kind to those who treated me well; those who gave me a hard time, I’d consider it. When you wore shabby clothes, old pants, like the ones I’m wearing now, they’d see you and get away, if you weren’t wearing casual clothes. If there was a black person in a group of five or six people, they wouldn’t talk to the black guy; if he said something, they wouldn’t respond. At work, they wouldn’t talk to us properly, and I realized that all this taught me how to live in the world. I had to learn; it was a solution! ((silence)). Ah, (...) white people made a difference. There was prejudice, there were differences. Not so much from the bosses, because they needed the workers, but if the boss was more systematic, then he would make a difference.

Yes, I won’t deny I faced prejudice. Except at the railroad office; some of the girls there had manners and treated me well... It was “yes sir,” “no sir.” I felt a little awkward about how they treated me at the office. But, in the workshop, in the warehouse, there was prejudice. When it came to moving up, the bosses would call Jundiaí or Campinas and tell them who should be promoted; it would be written down in the employee’s file and they would back it up. The bosses didn’t appoint black guards for passenger trains. Those who did had relatives at the superintendence. Even if they were less qualified, they were good-looking, with a fair head of hair, blond, the son of Mr. so-and-so...

Some of the black individuals who rose through the ranks, did so by working hard. At the big stations, they wanted the white guys, the cool guys. Thank God I didn’t have any white enemies; I don’t think there was a single person I didn’t get along with. I was friends with everyone, but I was closer to black people. I never fought with anyone; I could mouth off, say whatever nameI wanted, make up whatever I wanted. I can’t fight, I don’t know how to get angry with anyone, and I think that’s why I got on well, because I always let things go.65

We infer that the ability to grasp the past through individuals’ memories—those shared by a group with a common social life—enables us to understand how they represent the past. Therefore, what is at stake is their present social existence and the significance the past holds for them. When existence is recalled, it returns as a representation, raising a series of social and historical questions. Thus, the representations and values conveyed through these narratives provide valuable insights into individuals’ memories, grounded in a thorough study of the pertinent social history.

Conclusions

The railway created a “new” vocabulary and an unprecedented relationship between machine and civilization, transforming perceptions, feelings, habits, and ways of experiencing life. The speed of the tracks fascinated crowds, introducing a new way of seeing the world and experiencing movement through space and time, which distinguished the railway worker. This pride in being a railway worker persists in the history of railway families in the interior of São Paulo, contributing to the establishment of the world of free labor in Brazilian society.

The analyses presented in this article build upon the research it stems from by highlighting how the railway features in the narratives as the backdrop for the unfolding journeys of each interviewed individual. The memories of these interviewees are deeply connected to their professional lives on the tracks; they form the foundation of their identities. For railway workers, the tracks, trains, and stations are integral parts of their personal histories, shaping their imaginations and memories of a past that remains ever-present. This can be understood in the context of ethnic-racial issues when discussed at such an intersection.

In all the narrated trajectories, we find fundamental characteristics of “being a railway worker,” whether expressed through an early initiation into the world of work, the existence of functional career paths, or the development of a professional consciousness that permeated social life and the sociabilities, possibilities, and opportunities of this class. Railway identity and the sense of belonging to a family were recurring themes used by employees when seeking raises, leaves, or the hiring of relatives. They also leveraged this bond with the company to distinguish themselves from other workers who did not share the same status, using it as a bargaining chip in their strategies and in establishing social relationships.

The concept of the railway family aligns with the myth of racial democracy due to its dual significance: despite any internal conflicts, it allowed all workers to identify as railway workers in the broader social environment. For black workers, the ambiguity between race and class existed as a relationship of implication rather than causality, reflecting the complex interplay of these identities in their experiences.

The railway family, when viewed through the lens of race and class, served as an important mediator of social relations. The appearance of narrowing social distances through informal interactions had an emotional undertone that even influenced relationships typically characterized by impersonality. The notion of equality among all railway workers functioned as a mediator in class relations, significantly contributing to the tendency for potentially conflicting situations to result in reconciliation rather than actual conflict within the railway environment. On one hand, there was group integration; on the other, separation. This diversity or plurality characterized the railway family, akin to the myth of Brazilian democracy: assimilationist, composed of fragments rather than syntheses, of peculiarities and identities.

Identities were constantly negotiated and renegotiated based on economic, political, and cultural criteria, as well as power relations within specific social contexts. According to Goffman66 the process of identity construction is linked to differentiation. Individuals build their identities using the same materials from which others have already shaped their image.67 Thus, individuals construct their identities in reference to others,68 and the act of this construction is the result of social experiences one is subject to throughout one’s life.

Identity is therefore not innate or fixed; it is shaped over time.69 It is fluid and constructed at specific times and experience, as seen with the white and black workers of the Companhia Paulista de Estrada de Ferro. Sometimes, the highlighted identity was ethnic-racial, leading to the creation of Clube Flor de Maio,70 in São Carlos, a place where black railway workers could enjoy leisure and entertainment, reinforcing the construction of a black identity. Other times, it was the identity of a class of workers fighting for their rights through strikes and stoppages. Thus, the railway workers cannot be understood, without also considering the notion of historical class struggle, as it was through this struggle that their identity was defined and solidified.

But, as with any social group, the testimonies describe the hierarchy within the railway community and the privileges enjoyed by only a few. The sacrifices and hardships of certain roles are also highlighted, as are episodes of benevolence and even complacency in dealing with prejudiced treatment among colleagues.

In the workplace, black individuals had to stay within the socially permitted and desirable boundaries in relation to white individuals to maintain the continuity of existing social structures. They could coexist with white individuals as long as they “knew their place,” as many of the transcribed narratives demonstrated. The social inclusion of black individuals in the railway work environment reflected an ambiguous form of social exclusion, one that was undefined, marked by both divergences and convergences.

The interviews revealed that face-to-face interactions between these two groups often exposed prejudice and discrimination. This prejudice was evident, for example, in the jokes mentioned by Mr. Pedro (white) and in Mr. Gustavo’s (black) statement about Mr. Rafael (black) not being recommended for better positions by the bosses because he was black. Discrimination was further highlighted by the perception shared by both interviewees that those who managed to rise to higher positions in the Companhia Paulista were predominantly white.

Although this research is based on qualitative methods rather than statistically representative samples, the interviews suggest that informal prejudice influenced the bosses’ decisions regarding promotions, as noted by many interviewees. This was the case even though the few black individuals who had access to the professional education provided by the Railway Company managed to ascend to leadership positions.

The interviewees also mentioned that black individuals did not get promoted because they lacked education and, consequently, did not pass the exams. However, since the exams were practical and required more experience than formal education, this claim does not hold up.

In the 1940s, mentioning the train or railway transport evoked a vast and rich sociocultural complex. For its workers, both white and black, the railway represented opportunities and prospects that few other groups of workers at the time could access.

The notion of the “railway family,” akin to the “myth of racial democracy” with its ideas of the absence of prejudice and discrimination, can be seen as part of a broader ideological representation of Brazilian national character. This includes concepts such as the “cordial man,”71 “peaceful people,” and a tendency towards conciliation and compromise. The harmonious ethnic-racial image, as part of a broader ideological conception of the Brazilian nature, is associated with a legitimizing mechanism designed to absorb tensions and anticipate and control areas of social conflict. Where social distances are most pronounced, sometimes starkly so, this fetish of equality is often most present, with necessary exceptions to confirm the rule.

Thus, the reflections of this research build upon the doctoral study by providing a sharper analysis of the intersection between memory, race, and class. This aligns with the concept of “Brazilian-style racism” as outlined by Telles,72 showing that the relationships between white and black railway workers were marked by both horizontal inter-racial sociability and vertical relationships defined by social class. These vertical relationships involve socio-economic power dynamics, social mobility, and the notion of the railway family. Therefore, the practices of inclusion and exclusion observed in the interactions among railway workers, and between them and their environment, confirm that only by combining the perspectives of both mixture and segregation, characteristic of Brazilian society, can we understand the complexity of our racial system.

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