INTRODUCTION
The field of Internet governance (sometimes, “IG”) examines the design, regulation, and administration of the Internet’s infrastructure. Models of Internet governance offer processes and mechanisms to ensure consistency and interoperability of hardware and digital services across a broad and distributed network.
Online content sits on top of Internet architecture, and classic conceptions of Internet governance inherently contemplate —and are designed to accommodate— local and regional distinctions in approaches to the content layer. Different jurisdictions may (and often do) come to different conclusions about: (a) the extent to which particular forms of content are lawful or unlawful; (b) the roles, respectively, of users, platforms, service providers, and others in identifying and moderating online content; and (c) the responsibility —and, ultimately, potential liability— of parties in each of those roles with respect to such content.
Against this backdrop, the so-called right to be forgotten —perhaps more accurately described, in many cases, as a right to be delisted (“RTBF” or “RTBD”)— might be viewed as merely another local or regional approach to content regulation. One jurisdiction may differ from another to the extent to which it imposes (or limits) liability for intermediaries with respect to copyright infringement or defamation committed by their third-party content providers, describes the scope of permissible speech, or provides users of online services with a right to control the sharing of private information. Similarly, jurisdictions may differ in the rights they afford to individuals who are the subjects of online searches and the requirements that search engines must follow vis-à-vis the search results they deliver.
But, RTBF regimes pose more fundamental challenges to governance of the Internet than other forms of content regulation. That is due, in part, to the narrow regulatory underpinnings of the RTBF (which derives —in Europe, for example— from laws governing privacy and processing of personal data) juxtaposed with the broad impacts of the RTBF as implemented (which may permit individuals to manage the spread of truthful, but purportedly outdated or “irrelevant”, information about themselves). RTBF can pose especially thorny jurisdictional questions, depending on whether a given nation seeks to regulate (a) the processing of data within its jurisdiction; (b) the delivery of search results about a person within that jurisdiction to one conducting a search within that jurisdiction; or (c) the delivery of search results about a person within that jurisdiction to one conducting a search anywhere in the world.
This paper addresses some of the challenges posed by the right to be forgotten in the context of Internet governance. It proceeds from the assumption that, at the very least, the RTBF provides a useful case study of how cross-jurisdictional mechanisms that govern the technical and architectural layers of the Internet may co-exist with intra-jurisdictional mechanisms that regulate the content layer. The paper concludes with a call for decisionmakers to consider concerns about global governance in crafting laws and rendering decisions that interpret the right to be forgotten and its territorial impact.
LAYERS OF INTERNET ARCHITECTURE
Open communications systems and networks are often described using the conceptual framework of layers. The International Standards Organization’s Basic Reference Model, for example, describes seven layers: the application layer, the presentation layer, the session layer, the transport layer, the network layer; the data link layer, and the physical layer.1 Considered from bottom up —physical layer to application layer— each layer “sits ‘on top of’ the layers below it, and utilises the lower layers to perform its necessary function, with the ultimate goal being that information at the application layer is usable by the receiver in the manner intended by the sender”.2
With respect to the Internet, layers are sometimes conceived as taking the form of an hourglass: wide at the top and bottom and narrow in the middle.3 Jonathan Zittrain’s hourglass model positions the “Internet protocol” or “IP” layer —which incorporates fundamental rules governing the formatting and relaying of packets that is at the heart of online communications— in the middle of the hourglass, with applications on top and infrastructure below.4 Put succinctly, “[t]he shape of an hourglass inspired its selection as a metaphor for the architecture —the minimal required elements appear at the narrowest point, and an ever— increasing set of choices fills the wider top and bottom, underscoring how little the Internet itself demands of its service providers and users”.
These conceptions of the net underscore two things. First, they highlight ways in which various operational layers are separate (and thus amenable to different mechanisms for regulation and governance). Second, they highlight ways in which these layers are interrelated and function interdependently (such that a modifications at one layer may significantly impact other layers that build upon the modified layer).5
INTERNET GOVERNANCE
A. Traditional Conceptions of Internet Governance: Architecture and Infrastructure
Internet governance is concerned with “the processes, systems, and institutions that regulate things like TCPI/IP, the Domain Name System, and IP numbers”.6 Approaches to Internet governance “address technological design and administration, issues generally distinct from questions about content”. Examples of issues that relate to content, often conceived as outside the scope of Internet governance, include:
The economic and political implications of user-generated content, the politics of citizen journalism and blog content, new networked models of knowledge production, the political implications of the digital public sphere, and regulations about pornography.7
Models of Internet governance, thus, tend to focus on layers toward the bottom of the stack (or middle of the hourglass); the substance of Internet governance approaches tends toward the “invisible”.8
B. Expanding Conceptions of Internet Governance: Beyond the Pipes
The notion of Internet governance as intrinsically limited to the “technical layer of the network” can be needlessly limited and artificial.9 In light of the interdependence of the Internet’s layers, it can be difficult to distinguish in practice between the types of technically oriented considerations that lend themselves to consideration within the framework of Internet solutions and the types of content-oriented considerations that are ostensibly outside of IG’s bounds.
Consistent with a broader conception of IG, Laura DeNardis has proposed a taxonomy of the ecosystem that encompasses six functions:
The administration of critical Internet resources such as names and numbers;
the establishment of Internet technical standards (e.g., TCP/IP, HTTP);
access and interconnection coordination;
cybersecurity governance;
the policy role of private information intermediaries; and
architecture-based intellectual property rights enforcement.10
Governance and regulation in the arena of privacy serves as a useful “case in point” concerning the blurring of lines between technical and policy infrastructure.11 Global users of a global Internet have an interest in protecting the data and information they share against inappropriate transfer, receipt, and use by both private and government actors. A key component of managing online user privacy is technical, incorporating reference to design, architecture, and standards. But, individual nations (and —in the United States, for example— even individual states) may arrive at different policy conclusions about privacy regulation. Those different conclusions may address the extent to which users are best served by allowing users and online services to broker individualised privacy arrangements (e.g., the “notice-and-consent” framework that characterises much of online privacy law in the United States) or whether it is preferable to impose top-down requirements regarding data protection and limitations on data use (e.g., the General Data Protection Regulation framework adopted in 2018 in the European Union). As noted in a 2017 report from the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation:
Privacy operates at all levels in an interconnected way, even if there may be fragmented governance - such as privacy regulation via data protection policies that operate in disjuncture with privacy-by-design in software development. It is for this reason that Internet governance is best understood as a holistic approach that extends beyond the technical dimension. The objects of governance decision-making may also vary, for example, from processes (technical standards, design of algorithms, deployment of encryption, Internet of Things (loT) connections, etc.) through to people and their behaviours (e.g. bloggers, advertisers, engineers, government officials, privacy commissioners, etc.).12
If Internet governance mechanisms are meant to address “the design and administration of the technologies necessary to keep the Internet operational and the enactment of substantive policy around these technologies”,13 IG’s domain must include more than just the purely technical.
C. Why Does it Matter?
Two questions come to mind when examining these narrow and broad conceptions of Internet governance. The first (and, perhaps, most fundamental) question in framing the breadth of Internet governance is, why does it matter? Is the designation of a particular set of issues as within or outside the ambit of Internet governance purely a theoretical or semantic exercise? Or, does this designation have consequences? The answer is that defining a set of issues as within the scope of Internet governance may help to dictate or define a range of potential solutions available.
1. Designation as Internet Governance Dictates the Tools of Regulation
One overarching purpose of identifying Internet governance as a distinct field of study and practice stems from a recognition that issues within the ambit of Internet governance lend themselves to tools and mechanisms designed to facilitate cross-border regulation of interconnected technical systems. Issues amenable to solutions rooted in Internet governance are proper subjects of technical design decisions, they fall within the domain of global institutions,14 may be fodder for international treaties,15 and benefit from multi-stakeholder approaches. Issues that fall outside the ambit of Internet governance, on the other hand, are generally conceived as the domain of local and national legal regimes (and of individuals and institutions that operate in accordance therewith).16
2. Examples: Regulation of Copyright and the Domain Name System
Two examples underscore the existence of differing governance approaches to IG and non-IG issues: administration of the “Domain Name System” or “DNS” (on the one hand) and regulation of copyright (on the other hand).
Computers connected to the Internet are associated with strings of numbers that serve as identifiers. Text-based domain names “make it easier for humans to remember” those identifiers.17 The management of the global system of domain names and the connection of those names to the numbers that describe the location of data and information on the World Wide Web represents perhaps the paradigm example of a set of regulatory considerations amenable to Internet governance approaches. The DNS could not function were it left entirely to the discretion of local regulators (and businesses operating pursuant to local laws) to proscribe and implement a system. Instead, a set of global standards has been developed, implemented under the auspices of ICANN and IANA to manage both the allocation of top-level domains or “TLDs” and the primary DNS root service.18 The centralised administration of DNS reflects an effort to promote consistency and stability with respect to the ability of individual Internet users to access content and information stored on servers throughout the world using consistent sets of names and numbers.
Copyright law is territorial, and questions about the scope of copyright protection, rights ownership, and availability of individual protected works for licensing are dictated by local law and by the business priorities and interests of licensors and licensees. One seeking to launch an on-demand streaming music service (along the lines of Spotify) must consider the protections for sound recordings and musical compositions and the individual bundles of rights therein (including rights of reproduction and performance), and must specifically consider those issues separately in each country. Copyright owners considering rights enforcement must be guided by local laws that prescribe and define their rights. And, copyright users must similarly adhere to local regulations that govern licensing and the viability of defences to infringement (including fair use). In brief, global copyright licensing —particularly for entities that operate across national borders— presents issues that are thorny but that are not among those one might typically consider to be within the scope of Internet governance. Inconsistencies in laws and business practices across borders raise complexities for licensees, but those complexities are largely considered an inherent part of doing business in a field governed by local, territorial legal regimes.
Treaty obligations may inform local regulation in non-IG arenas such as copyright. But, the primary source of authority on these types of issues remains local, rooted in government institutions. Outside the ambit of IG, a premium is placed upon the ability of such institutions to respond to and take into consideration local values and norms in crafting viable governance structures. Issues that lend themselves to consideration within IG frameworks, on the other hand, lend themselves to structures that integrate influences from a wide array of local and global actors.
D. Is There a Limiting Principle?
A second question concerns whether some limiting principle might constrain expanding concepts of Internet governance. That is, if IG addresses not just technical architecture but certain aspects of the content layer as integrated with network design and infrastructure, could we say that Internet governance encompasses all issues of regulation online?19
There is certainly a risk of governance creep as Internet governance models are extended to reach beyond the Internet’s infrastructure layers. If IG is everything, IG is nothing. But, there are practical ways to define those circumstances in which Internet governance frameworks may be of use.
For example, a “complete” —neither overbroad nor excessively narrow— conception of Internet governance is characterised by a “focus on the nexus between Internet architecture and social policy”.20 It is neither the architecture nor the content but the connection between the two that suggests that IG and its suite of multi-stakeholder approaches may be of use.
In addition, Internet governance frameworks —as opposed to frameworks rooted solely in local or national legal systems— may be viewed as especially applicable not just to infrastructure (writ large) or content (writ large) but to any set of issues that is poorly suited to resolution by local or national government institutions. That might include issues on which governments and political institutions either cannot intercede or do not desire to do so, perhaps because they are overly technical, perhaps because they raise cross-border concerns that a single nation’s institutions are unable to fully address.
THE RIGHT TO BE FORGOTTEN
A. Overview
In its various forms, the “right to be forgotten” aims to address a vital and timely concern, “namely, the Internet’s ability to preserve indefinitely all its information about you, no matter how unfortunate or misleading”.21 “The ‘right to be forgotten’ refers to the right of an individual to erase, limit, or alter past records that can be misleading, redundant, anachronistic, embarrassing, or contain irrelevant data associated with the person, likely by name, so that those past records to not continue to impede present perceptions of that individual”.22 Attempts to implement the right to be forgotten inherently involve attempts to balance competing rights of free expression (specifically, the right to convey, and receive, truthful information on matters of public concern) and privacy (specifically, the right to restrain sharing of information deemed unduly personal or sensitive in a manner that might cause harm). Frameworks for implementing the RTBF draw on local norms and derive from local mores in their efforts to achieve such balance.
B. The Right to Be Forgotten in the European Union—The Google Spain Case
The right to be forgotten in its most fully realised form stems from a European Commission Directive and a widely-publicised 2014 European Court of Justice case that interpreted it. Directive 95/46/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 24 October 1995 on the protection of individuals concerns “the processing of personal data and on the free movement of such data”.23 Directive 95/46 confers rights on the subjects of data (including rights to access and request erasure of that data) and obligations on so-called data controllers with respect to those data subjects’ rights.
In Google Spain SL v. AEPD, Case C-131/12, May 13, 2014 (“Google Spain”, sometimes referred to as the “Costeja” case), the European Court of Justice held that —with respect to search engines— the rights and obligations conferred by Directive 95/46 include a right of data subjects to be free from data that are “inaccurate”; “inadequate, irrelevant or excessive in relation to the purposes of the processing”; “not kept up to date”; or “kept for longer than is necessary”.24 In practical effect, the Google Spain case recognises a “right to be forgotten” (or, more appropriately, a “right to be delisted”), meaning that individuals who are the subjects of search results that point to information that has these characteristics may request that such search results be removed. The case is “indicative of a more general trend, followed by the European Union legislature and spurred by the emergence of the digital economy, leading towards a stronger protection of the fundamental personal rights conferred upon physical persons, or so-called ‘data subjects’, and exercised against entities making use of their data for their own purposes”.25
Article 94 of 2018’s Global Data Privacy Regulation (“GDPR”) expressly provides that “Directive 95/46/EC is repealed with effect from 25 May 2018”.26 The GDPR codifies the right to be forgotten as a right against data controllers to “erasure of personal data”, with express exceptions for data processing that is necessary, among other things, “for exercising the right of freedom of expression and information” and “for archiving purposes in the public interest…”.27
C. Other Conceptions of RTBF—Hosts v. Search Engines
The Costeja case highlights —and focuses on— the effects of search engines as distinguished from the publishers of websites linked to in search results. The ECJ expressly noted in Costeja that search engines “play[] a decisive role in the overall dissemination” of data hosted by publishers and renders those data “accessible to any internet user making a search on the basis of the data subject’s name, including to internet users who otherwise would not have found the web page on which those data are published”.28 The decision thus implements one particular mechanism for vindicating privacy rights of the subjects of information published on the web by focusing on the role that search engines play both in: (a) drawing attention to a given article, and (b) connecting that article to the name of a claimant asserting his or her right to be forgotten.
Other conceptions of the RTBF focus more squarely on the online publishers themselves. A pair of pre-Costeja decisions from the Colombian Constitutional Court involving Colombia newspaper, El Tiempo, for example, approach the types of concerns at the heart of the EU’s right to be forgotten regime in a manner that addresses the conduct of the paper in maintaining older news articles online without updating them to reflect recent developments. In Gloria v. Casa Editorial El Tiempo, T-277/15, May 12, 2013, the Court held that a newspaper was obligated to update a story to reflect claimant’s acquittal on criminal charges.29 In Martínez v. Google Colombia & El Tiempo publishing house, Judgment T-040/13, January 28, 2013, the Court held that the newspaper was responsible for updating information in a story that reported claimant’s name had come up in a criminal investigation but did not note that he was convicted of no crimes.30 In both cases, the Court held that the responsibility fell to the newspapers and not to search engines (like Google) that direct searchers to those online news stories.
Some European courts have taken a similar approach, post-Costeja. In P.H. v. O.G., Belgian Supreme Court, 29 April 2016, ref. C.15.0052.F; for example, the Belgian Court of Cassation held that —in order to protect claimants’ privacy interests, asserted within the context of the post-Costeja right to be forgotten— a newspaper should remove the name of the RTBF claimant from an archived article about his past unlawful conduct.31 The Court expressly addressed the role of search engines in drawing attention to the article in question, a role deemed so central by the ECJ in Costeja. But, the Court concluded that any harm caused by search engines in connecting the claimant to the archived article was based on the newspaper’s inclusion of the claimant’s name in that article.
These alternative approaches to issues at the heart of a Cotseja-style right to be forgotten recognise the limited role that search engines play in directing web users to information online. But, focusing on the source raises significant concerns in the context of free expression. Compared with an approach that addresses modifications to search results, “[d]eleting information at its source does … more harm, potentially eliminating it from the Internet completely”.32
INTERNET GOVERNANCE AND THE RTBF: OBSERVATIONS, CHALLENGES, AND OPPORTUNITIES
A. Overview
As noted above, traditional approaches to Internet governance suggest that: (a) there is value in pursuing multi-stakeholder, inter-disciplinary technical, business, and legal approaches to core technical interoperability considerations; and (b) local (or national) approaches, recognizing local (or national) values and mores, may be more appropriate when applied to questions about the substance of online content. The more RTBF regimes are concerned with content (as they surely are, to some extent, insofar as they seek to provide remedies for online materials that are out-dated or inaccurate), the more they are properly subjects of local regulation and have little to no relevance in the context of Internet governance. On the other hand, the more concerned they are with technical interoperability (as they surely are, to some extent, insofar as they seek to leave content in place but disrupt search mechanisms that accurately identify and point to information online), the more they may benefit from consideration within an Internet governance framework. This section addresses three features of RTBF regulation —none unique to the context of RTBF but all implicated thereby— that: (a) underscore ways in which RTBF tests the limits of these traditional dichotomies, and (b) mitigate in favour of considering global governance concerns in the context of RTBF.33
B. Search Engines—Twin Functions as Information Location Tools and Speakers
Part of the complexity of fitting RTBF into an Internet governance framework involves the twin roles of search engines both as information location tools (linking to the content of other speakers and publishers online)34 and as speakers themselves (effectively expressing the views of search engine operators as to the relevance and propriety of links in the context of a user’s search). The former feels more like the type of function one might traditionally expect to lend itself to solutions that incorporate global governance frameworks. The latter feels more like the type of speech regulation one might traditionally expect to be a subject of local law.
But, even the activity of a search engine in connecting a user’s searches to relevant links is not the same sort of relatively straightforward, one-to-one matching exercise employed by the Domain Name System in correlating URLs (entered as text strings) to the numbers that identify the location of content. Indeed, the results proffered by search engines inherently involve value judgments and determinations of relevance that go far beyond the sorts of technical functionality at the heart of DNS. One searching for the English word “bass” may be searching for information about a species of fish or about a low-tuned stringed musical instrument.35 One searching for an individual’s name may seek biographical information; data on the search subject’s whereabouts; or expressions of opinion about the individual’s character or credentials sufficient to vet the search subject as a potential babysitter or political candidate.
Evaluating relevance requires the search engine to parse the searcher’s intended meaning. This may involve a complex assortment of context clues (e.g., the “bass” searcher in the past has sought information about sport fishing, or has entered the search term at a time when a highly-publicised documentary about renowned jazz bassist Charles Mingus is airing nationally via public broadcasting television channels). It may also demand normative evaluations about the importance of particular categories of information (e.g., the search engine may have to choose in what order to rank information turned up in the name search about the search subject’s current place of employment as opposed to a past criminal conviction). Within that context, a search engine’s return of search results represents the sort of expression of opinion that scholars and lawyers such as Eugene Volokh and Donald Falk have noted warrants protection as speech under the U.S. First Amendment.36
Even pre-Costeja, the complex nature of search engines, their interactions with users, and the impact of the results they deliver suggested to some that more nuanced global governance approaches to regulation (supplementing the sort of local regulation we might expect over relevant issues such as intellectual property, privacy, and speech) might be appropriate.37 In the era of RTBF —and increasing trends of interventions that disrupt the flow of information among searcher, search engine, and search subject— these considerations are even more important.
C. Privatization of Governance Functions
The evolution of the Internet has been characterised by entanglement among public and private institutions. Vital and impactful decisions that implicate core human values like the right to free expression —classically, subjects of decision making via local institutions— are often delegated to non-public commercial entities. Such delegation and —more broadly— the establishment of close ties between private actors and public institutions raise significant questions concerning due process, individual freedoms, and user rights.38
The implementation of RTBF post-Costeja has highlighted the complexities associated with a private company’s controlling functions with such significant public impacts. Google complies by its obligations by: (a) fielding RTBF requests from individuals (who request that certain search results be removed from search); and (b) implementing and managing systems for evaluating and processing those requests relies largely on mechanisms internal to Google.39 As more and more companies adopt RTBF frameworks, there will inevitably be increasing fragmentation along a number of axes:
[B]eyond the general directions provided by the ECJ in Google Spain, the RTBD as currently implemented is, in two respects, subject to a risk of fragmentation: first, due to the plurality of search engines bearing the task of directly implementing it, though Google’s current pre-eminence in that market does well to hide this risk; second, due to the fact that, also at the DPA level, there are no commonly agreed-upon standards of RTBD claim management, though the current focus on Google as the main gatekeeper of the RTBD along with the lack of appeals to local DPAs, again, tends to overshadow the issue.40
Non-public decision-making frameworks inherently lack transparency and carry the potential for abuse. And, private actors charged with implementing the right to be forgotten may not be accountable to the full range of individuals implicated by their decisions. Overreliance on private companies in this context might lead to a perception that decisions about RTBF lack the level of legitimacy to which governance frameworks aspire, and that are especially important in highly charged and politicised arenas such as privacy and speech.41 Consideration of multi-stakeholder governance models in the context of RTBF might help to ameliorate these concerns.
D. Jurisdictional Considerations
Finally —and perhaps most importantly— a global Internet poses significant challenges for classic conceptions of jurisdiction, choice of law, and enforcement of judicial process relating to content. The idea that a nation should be able to legislate and regulate within its borders —consistent with its internal, shared national values and traditional principles of democratic governance— is put to the test on an ostensibly borderless web. Management of content takedown requests with cross-border implications demands that a delicate balance be struck among national and global interests.
RTBF highlights these challenges and serves, in some ways, as a perfect case study to address this tension between national sovereignty and global Internet access.42 In a widely-publicised case in France, for example, Google was asked by a French RTBF claimant to delist search results and complied by removing such results from its google.fr French site; then from other European sites (e.g., google.de and google.it); and ultimately from all Google sites —even non-European sites like google.com and google.ca— in search results displayed to European users. France’s data protection authority —the Commission Nationale de L’informatique et des Libertés (“CNIL”)— sought more, however, arguing that full implementation of the RTBF demanded removal of results from all Google regional platforms, for searchers in all countries around the world. CNIL’s arguments raised red flags for scholars and advocates of free expression around the world.43
Two recent non-RTBF cases underscore the ways in which these types of cross-border disputes over content takedowns can play out. First, in Google LLC v. Equustek Solutions Inc., Case No. 5:17-cv-04207-EJ, 2017 WL 5000834 (N.D. Cal. Nov. 2, 2017), the Supreme Court of Canada addressed the fashioning of remedies in a trade secret and trademark dispute between two private companies: Canadian tech firm, Equustek, and its former distributor, Datalink. That underlying dispute resulted in an order to Google (not a party to the underlying dispute) to delist from search specific web pages associated with Datalink and its sale of unauthorised computer hardware. Google deindexed pages on its Canadian, google.ca, search engine. The Supreme Court held that this was inadequate, rejecting Google’s arguments about comity and territoriality, and ordered Google to undertake delisting worldwide. Google ultimately sought relief from that order in the US, obtaining a preliminary injunction against enforcement of the order in a United States federal district court.44
Second, in Spanski Enterprises, Inc. v. Telewizja Polska, S.A., n.° 17-7051 (D.C. Cir. 2018), the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit examined claims brought against an ex-US website that directed content into the United States in violation of plaintiff’s exclusive US public performance rights. In holding the defendant liable, the Court strongly suggested that foreign websites should geoblock content —i.e., determine the location of users attempting to access that content and grant or deny access based on applicable local law— in order to avoid local copyright liability for cross-border content transmissions.45
On the one hand, the Spanski case demonstrates that local courts have the ability to adjudicate technical issues on given facts that relate to cross-border content disputes. And, the Equustek cases demonstrate that courts have the ability to fashion remedies deemed appropriate in the context of local laws and norms (see, e.g., the actions of the Canadian Supreme Court) and to cabin remedies implemented by foreign courts when they impinge upon rights and freedoms under local law (see, e.g., the actions of the United States District Court). But, these types of case-by-case adjudications are complex and resource intensive. They may lead to inconsistent outcomes that complicate matters for both users and service providers operating in different countries. And, they are unlikely to lead to full and balanced vindication of the rights of all parties implicated (or aggrieved) by content determinations worldwide. This is particularly true with an issue —like RTBF— that impacts core functions of information location online.
E. Drawing on Internet Governance Frameworks in Addressing the RTBF
Given these characteristics of the right to be forgotten, approaches to RTBF that draw on Internet governance frameworks —and, in particular, multi-stakeholder engagement involving both public and private actors— might help to ensure that just outcomes are achieved via fair transparent processes that balance global and local interests. In particular:
– Decisionmakers should draw upon history, scholarship, and long-standing experience of legacy IG institutions. At its heart, RTBF raises fundamental questions about the identification and dissemination of information. Institutions involved in Internet governance have decades of experience addressing considerations relevant to IG in the context of RTBF. Those institutions, in turn, have drawn upon decades of prior experience with governance considerations involving a wide range of pre-Internet technological innovations.46 Jeremy Malcolm of the Electronic Frontier Foundation has noted that existing Internet governance fora are imperfect but will “always be part of the global governance ecosystem”.47 Decisionmakers can draw on the experience of long-standing institutions while simultaneously working to ensure they are “inclusive, balanced, and accountable”.48
– Decisionmakers should consider active, on-going multi-stakeholder efforts and frameworks that seek to reconcile speech and privacy concerns across jurisdictions. The work of an institution such as the Internet & Jurisdiction Policy Network (“I&JPN”) may provide guidance on addressing, in particular, the cross-border impacts of RTBF. I&JPN is a Paris-based Secretariat that “facilitates a global multistakeholder process to enable transnational cooperation” in an effort to “preserve the cross-border nature of the Internet, protect human rights, fight abuses, and enable the global digital economy”.49 Multi-stakeholder initiatives like I&JPN’s Content and Jurisdiction Workplan may provide a useful framework.50 The work of colleagues at Harvard Law School’s Cyberlaw Clinic, released as a report entitled “Here, There, or Everywhere? Assessing the Geographic Scope of Content Takedown Orders”, attempts to establish a global framework for content takedown notices across jurisdictions, identifying categories of content takedowns that may warrant consistent treatment across national borders.51
– Decisionmakers should coordinate across contemporaneous domains that raise similar emerging issues. Finally, it is worth looking beyond the right to be forgotten —and the speech, privacy, and jurisdictional issues implicated thereby— to consider on-going governance discussions in other domains that raise similarly challenging concerns. For example, contemporaneous with the evolution of RTBF, questions about governance and regulation of secure encryption technologies offered by private companies to private citizens represent another emerging and equally useful case study. As with search, the field of encryption is one that is technical and one in which “domestically and internally oriented” policy determinations can have massive global “ripple effects”.52 As parallel debates play out around RTBF and encryption —in terms of establishing legitimate oversight mechanisms and mitigating damaging cross-border effects that improperly impinge on national sovereignty— those pursuing governance in each of these arenas might draw on the experiences of the other.
CONCLUSION
The development and proliferation of right to be forgotten frameworks around the world raise issues that are neither new nor unique to RTBF. But, as particular implementations of RTBF blur lines between infrastructure and content, such regimes serve to underscore the interconnected roles played by a wide range of stakeholders in the Internet ecosystem and the complexities involved in addressing the needs of those stakeholders. Coordination among local and international, public and private, individual and institutional, in decisions that have global impacts on users’ ability to access information online is vital.
It is neither reasonable nor appropriate to expect consistency across jurisdictions regarding the substance of content regulation and the highly charged speech and privacy considerations implicated thereby. But, integration of global governance frameworks into decision making about topics that —like RTBF— straddle lines, can ensure some degree of interoperability, legitimacy, respect for the role of local and national decision making, and recognition of shared values.