The Experiences of LGBTI People’s Participation in the Local Councils of Peace, Reconciliation and Social Cohesion as part of Colombia’s Final Peace Agreement✽

Miyerlandy Cabanzo Valencia and Rebecca Gindele

Received: March 15, 2022 | Accepted: June 28, 2022 | Modified: July 27, 2022

https://doi.org/10.7440/res83.2023.05

Abstract | Colombia’s Final Peace Agreement is considered innovative worldwide, as it introduces the principle of gender equality for its implementation. Its signing has provided an opportunity for LGBTI organizations to advocate for an inclusive and affirmative peace that furthers the recognition of their rights. As part of the territorial implementation and the strengthening of local political participation, the agreement reformed the Local Councils for Peace, Reconciliation and Social Cohesion (CTPRC). In this article, we employ interviews and document analysis to explore the local experiences of LGBTI people’s participation in the territorial implementation of the agreement and the CTPRCs. It also reflects on the impact of their participation in promoting the recognition of their human rights and equal participation. These actions are framed in what contemporary currents of peace studies have called critical peace or post-liberal peace. The article argues that the CTPRCs, as spaces for territorial participation in the agreement, have provided an explicit arena for LGBTI people and organizations, but this participation has yet to be translated into the strengthening of their human rights, in building a heterogeneous territorial peace, and in ensuring safe, stigmatization-free environments.

Keywords | Colombian Final Peace Agreement; LGBTI; participation; peace; territory

Las experiencias de participación de las personas LGBTI en los Consejos Territoriales de Paz, Reconciliación y Convivencia en el marco del Acuerdo Final de Paz en Colombia

Resumen | El Acuerdo Final de Paz colombiano es considerado innovador a nivel mundial, debido a la introducción del principio de igualdad de género para su implementación. Su firma ha significado una oportunidad para la incidencia de las organizaciones LGBTI por una paz incluyente y afirmativa que avance en el reconocimiento de sus derechos. Como parte de la implementación territorial y del fortalecimiento de la participación política a nivel local, el acuerdo reformó los Consejos Territoriales de Paz, Reconciliación y Convivencia (CTPRC). Este artículo explora, mediante entrevistas y análisis de documentos, las experiencias locales de participación de las personas LGBTI en la implementación territorial del acuerdo y los CTPRC. Asimismo, reflexiona sobre el impacto de su participación para avanzar en el reconocimiento de sus derechos humanos y la igualdad de la participación. Estas acciones se enmarcan en lo que corrientes contemporáneas de estudios sobre la paz han denominado paz crítica o paz posliberal. El artículo sostiene que los CTPRC, como espacios de participación territorial del acuerdo, han dado un lugar explícito a las personas y organizaciones LGBTI, pero aún falta traducir esta participación en la profundización de sus derechos humanos, en construir una paz heterogénea territorial y asegurar entornos seguros y libres de estigmatización.

Palabras clave | Acuerdo Final de Paz de Colombia; LGBTI; participación; paz; territorio

As experiências de participação das pessoas LGBTI nos Conselhos Territoriais de Paz, Reconciliação e Convivência no âmbito do Acordo Final de Paz na Colômbia

Resumo | O Acordo Final de Paz colombiano é considerado inovador em todo o mundo devido à introdução do princípio de igualdade de gênero para sua implementação. Sua firma significa uma oportunidade para a incidência das organizações LGBTI por uma paz inclusiva e afirmativa que caminhe rumo ao reconhecimento de seus direitos. Como parte da implementação territorial e do fortalecimento da participação política em nível local, o acordo reformou os Conselhos Territoriais de Paz, Reconciliação e Convivência (CTPRC). Neste artigo, são exploradas, por meio de entrevistas e análise de documentos, as experiências locais de participação das pessoas LGBTI na implementação territorial do acordo e dos CTPRC. Além disso, é refletido sobre o impacto de sua participação para avançar no reconhecimento de seus direitos humanos e na igualdade da participação. Essas ações se situam no que correntes contemporâneas de estudos sobre a paz denominam “paz crítica” ou “paz pós-liberal”. No artigo, é sustentado que os CTPRC, como espaços de participação territorial do acordo, dão um lugar explícito às pessoas e organizações LGBTI, mas ainda falta traduzir essa participação no aprofundamento de seus direitos humanos, em construir uma paz heterogênea territorial e garantir ambientes seguros e livres de estigmatização.

Palabras-chave | Acordo Final de Paz da Colômbia; LGBTI; participação; paz; território

Many thanks to Tito, Lolo, Heriberto, Michael, Elvis, Leydy, and David1 or generously sharing their experiences and perspectives on participation and peace2.

Introduction: LGBTI Participation in Peacebuilding—Between Theory and Practice

A peace agreement can be a powerful instrument for transforming a long-standing armed conflict. Such was the case in November 2016, with the signing of the Final Agreement for a Stable and Lasting Peace (hereafter “the agreement”) between the Colombian government and the former guerrilla group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia–People’s Army (FARC-EP). Moving forward with its implementation—aimed at addressing the root causes of the conflict—is a long-term endeavor.

This article approaches peace—or visions of peace—as a collective and transformative project. It is grounded in the idea of a critical peace, one that seeks the effective inclusion and meaningful participation of the historically excluded (Zirion Lanauze and Pérez de Armiño 2019; Birke Daniels and Kurtenbach 2021). The visions of peace explored here are shaped by actors who have been marginalized from public policymaking and civic participation—most notably LGBTI (lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and intersex) individuals and organizations.

Territorial Councils for Peace, Reconciliation, and Coexistence (CTPRC) are local forums within the peace infrastructure, established as formal, regulated mechanisms for grassroots participation. They gained particular relevance through the implementation of Point 2 on political participation in the peace agreement (Restrepo and Leyva 2017). From the early stages of the Havana negotiations, both the Colombian government and the FARC delegation proposed that the National Peace Council and the CTPRCs should play a leading role in implementing the agreement (Santos 2014; FARC-EP Peace Delegation 2014). Achieving this required ensuring broad, plural representation across different sectors of society—particularly among historically excluded groups such as LGBTI people, ethnic communities, and women.

Decree Law 885 of 2017 redefined the composition of the councils to guarantee such representation. Issued during the legislative phase of the agreement’s implementation, the new regulation also assigned the CTPRCs a key role: advising local authorities on the design and execution of peace-related policies and programs in each territory. Since the new national legislation provided—on paper—for the representation of LGBTI organizations, this article examines what that participation has looked like in practice.

In this context, the present text is organized around two central questions: How do LGBTI people participate in a mechanism strengthened by the implementation of the peace agreement? And how does this participation contribute to shaping concepts of peace in the territories? To explore these questions, the analysis adopts a qualitative methodology based on document review and interviews with both LGBTI and non-LGBTI people who are members of, or provide support to, the CTPRCs. These sources provided insights into LGBTI participation that extend beyond the formal provisions of the agreement and its regulations.

The article begins by outlining the research methodology, followed by a theoretical discussion on the concept of peace and its relationship to LGBTI populations and queer peace. It then presents the main findings and concludes with reflections on the experiences of LGBTI individuals and organizations within the CTPRCs, particularly regarding human rights and the creation of territories that are safe and free from stigma.

Methodology

The authors’ interest in examining LGBTI participation in the CTPRCs stems from their combined academic and practical involvement in peace studies and peacebuilding. Over the past five years, they have explored the intersections of participation, gender, and peace through both research and activism3. To address the objective of this article, they conducted a review based on the article’s keywords and research questions, drawing on academic literature as well as public documents and reports from LGBTI organizations, CTPRCs, and other key actors engaged in implementing the peace agreement.

The authors also conducted semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders to capture lived experiences—an essential tool in qualitative research. LGBTI representatives were selected from territorial peace councils in regions with strong activism and significant participation in implementing the agreement. The authors’ pre-existing trust-based relationships with central actors in these areas facilitated the identification of individuals able to speak about the role of LGBTI organizations in the process. Drawing on this trust, the authors consulted colleagues and contacts in peacebuilding and LGBTI rights to locate council members or confirm their involvement. The study thus follows a qualitative, exploratory approach.

A total of seven individuals from six different departments were interviewed. Four self- identified as gay men, one as a gay transvestite, one as a heterosexual man, and one as a lesbian woman. Four participants were members of municipal CTPRCs in Istmina, El Carmen de Bolívar, Barranquilla, and Santiago de Tolú—two of which are prioritized by the Development Programs with a Territorial Focus (PDET)4, and two that are not part of the PDET framework5. Another interviewee supported the strengthening of ten CTPRCs in Nariño through the ConPaz program, led by the National Secretariat for Social Pastoral Care. One participant, although not a CTPRC member, was active in the local LGBTI movement and assisted a peace council member in their work. The final participant served on the Departmental Peace Council of Valle del Cauca.

The review also encompassed documents related to the implementation of the peace agreement, including progress reports from the institutions and entities responsible for its oversight. These comprised the Technical Secretariat of the International Verification Component—made up of Cinep and Cerac—the Kroc Institute, and the Office of the Inspector General (Procuraduría General de la Nación). The authors examined reports from civil society on the implementation of the gender approach, including those produced by the Gender in Peace Group (GPAZ), as well as social media posts documenting LGBTI participation in territorial peace processes in Córdoba and Caquetá—regions where CTPRCs have been active (Fajardo 2021). They further reviewed relevant national regulations concerning the CTPRCs.

The Many Faces of Peace: From Negative and Liberal Peace to a Positive, Post-Liberal, Participatory, and Territorial Peace

Peace is a concept with multiple meanings and ongoing debates, shaped by people’s identities, roles, and experiences in conflict (Zirion Landaluze and Pérez de Armiño 2019). Traditionally, peace theories distinguish between “negative peace”—understood as the absence of violence—and “positive peace,” which involves the pursuit of justice and broader social and political transformations, following Galtung’s classic framework (1969). This theoretical debate has since broadened to include categories such as liberal peace and critical peace (Cabanzo 2022). Liberal peace focuses on rebuilding the state in its existing form, assigning a central role to international actors from the Global North in reducing armed conflict (Zirion Landaluze and Pérez de Armiño 2019).

Critical or post-liberal peace, in contrast, empowers actors to confront violence and seeks to address the structural causes of armed conflict through peaceful means. This form of peace is built from the ground up—driven by the agency of local and marginalized actors (Zirion Landaluze and Pérez de Armiño 2019). It is an ongoing process shaped by the interaction of specific contexts, actors, interests, and power relations, rooted in gender, sexuality, race, ethnicity, social class, and space (Zirion Landaluze and Pérez de Armiño 2019; Cabanzo 2022).

Ending an armed conflict and advancing social change exposes the deep-rooted structural problems that persist, along with the ongoing violence that must be addressed and overcome. As Birke Daniels and Kurtenbach (2021, 23) observe, the end of war reveals “conflicts related to social and political change around the recognition of full citizenship for [...] marginalized groups such as peasants, women, Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities, the LGBTI population, and former FARC-EP combatants.” These groups, they note, seek recognition, representation, and the right to a dignified life—free from structural violence and discrimination.

Conflicts are not only about controlling territory—they also involve regulating bodies and identities (Colombia Diversa 2020). Armed actors, sometimes with the awareness or even tacit acceptance of communities, have targeted the bodies and identities of women and LGBTI people to gain military advantage and enforce social norms (Colombia Diversa 2020; CNMH 2015). Building an LGBTI-inclusive peace therefore requires driving deep transformations that explicitly recognize and include all those whose identities fall outside heteronormative and cisgender norms.

The concept of territorial peace emerged to capture the diverse understandings of peace rooted in Colombia’s regions. It recognizes local dynamics and shifts peacebuilding efforts away from centralized models, focusing instead on peripheral6 and marginalized territories often excluded from political power and decision-making (González 2016). Unlike many peace agreements worldwide, the Colombian accord explicitly incorporated a territorial approach (Baum 2019), acknowledging that experiences of peace vary across regions and are shaped by their specific contexts. Territorial peace is inherently transformative, aiming to address structural causes and persistent conditions of conflict through local agency—particularly in places where discrimination and the denial of difference endure.

Transformative and participatory peace is understood as a process in which peacebuilders work together to design policies and projects that create new individual and collective realities benefiting all parties (Ramos 2015). This highlights the importance of examining the participation of LGBTI organizations in the territorial implementation of the agreement—not only to recognize their agency, but also to move beyond framing them solely as victims.

LGBTI Identities and Non-Heteronormativity in Peacebuilding

The role of LGBTI communities in peacebuilding has often been viewed through the lens of the differentiated impacts of armed conflict (Giraldo 2018). In the interviews conducted for this article and in the research with the councils, participants were asked how they defined their identities. Their responses revealed both regional and personal variations, shaped—like visions of peace—by lived experience. In Chocó, people spoke of the diverse population or the LGBT organization; in Nariño, they referred to LGBTIQ+. The peace agreement itself uses the term LGBTI.

Even the choice of acronyms carries political significance, as it reflects personal experience. Language operates as a political instrument—a means of acknowledging the diversity of bodies, genders, relationships, and sexualities. In particular, queer and gender-based language challenges conventional social categories, providing analytical frameworks to examine the impacts of conflict and to confront power dynamics that frequently marginalize or exclude entire groups (Flaherty et al. 2015; Mizzi and Byrne 2015). Accordingly, this article adopts the terminology established in the peace agreement and in Decree Law 885. Within this framework, the term LGBTI denotes lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and intersex individuals.

According to Vidal-Ortiz, Viteri, and Serrano (2014), queer theories and politics in Latin America foster epistemological and theoretical communities that challenge patterns of “homogenization and inclusion/exclusion frameworks.” Edenborg (2021) contends that queerness is not merely another analytical variable, but a perspective for rethinking peace and conflict—and applying that perspective to research. From this viewpoint, LGBTI or queer perspectives in peacebuilding “destabilize assumptions about what is considered normal regarding sexual orientation, gender identity, and family structures” (Hagen 2021, 1). A queer peace enhances the sustainability of peace by acknowledging the full complexity of experiences and identities, while also confronting the heteronorma- tive assumptions embedded in territorial peace.

A queer peace ensures the sustainability of peace by acknowledging the full complexity of experiences and identities, while also challenging the heteronormative assumptions embedded in territorial peace. Building on this perspective, Colombian LGBTI organizations have, in recent years, played a pivotal role in advancing truth and justice through the implementation of the peace agreement—particularly by contributing to the Integral System for Peace through the submission of information to the Commission for the Clarification of Truth (CEV) and the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) (The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights 2021; Colombian Commission of Jurists 2021; Truth Commission 2021). The report Quién nos va a contar by Colombia Diversa (2020) challenges the widespread misconception that discrimination against LGBTI people was a marginal issue during the conflict. On the contrary, “armed actors relied on discriminatory institutions against LGBTI people to advance their war interests and to instrumentalize them by exploiting their economic, social, and political vulnerability” (Colombia Diversa 2020, 20). Similarly, the report Nos decían: tras de negras, maricas—based on the experiences of Afro-LGBTI people in the southern Pacific region and the south of Bolívar—reveals how armed actors reproduced racism and LGBT-phobia, viewing these identities as deviant or hypersexualized (The International Institute on Race, Equality and Human Rights 2021).

Building on this theoretical and contextual framework, an LGBTI or queer peace is one created by marginalized individuals in marginalized territories—those who defy heteronormativity. This form of peace moves beyond the impacts of internal armed conflict and the victim-only narrative. It instead recognizes LGBTI people as political subjects who think critically, take action, forge relationships, and drive change to meet their individual and collective needs—both locally and in synergy with other actors.

From Paper to Practice: The Gender Approach, Diverse Sexual and Gender Identities, and the Agreement

During the negotiation phase in Havana, various actors leveraged the existing peace infrastructure to secure the participatory dimension of the process, recognizing the role of social movements in conveying the perspectives and sentiments of the entire country—not solely those of the negotiators (Restrepo and Leyva 2017; Ramos 2016). In May 2014, President Juan Manuel Santos reconvened the National Peace Council, formally installing it on October 9 of that year. Its objectives included contributing to public education on the agreement, fostering a “climate of reconciliation,” and ensuring the representation of diverse sectors and social movements, including the LGBTI community (Santos 2014).

The FARC-EP delegation endorsed this initiative. In a letter to the National Peace Council, it stressed the importance of including social movements to promote a peace with social justice and ensure broad representation, including LGBTI organizations (FARC-EP Peace Delegation 2014). This process restored the political relevance of both the National Peace Council and the Territorial Councils for Peace, Reconciliation, and Coexistence (CTPRC), enabling them to draw on their historical experience in peacebuilding to contribute to the negotiations. These advisory and consultative bodies on peace-related matters for the president, mayors, and governors were established under Law 434 of 1998 but had not convened at the national level since 2007 (Restrepo and Leyva 2017).

The revitalization of these spaces reflected the sustained efforts of women’s and LGBTI organizations to embed a gender perspective in the peace agreement (González 2017). For years, the movement had connected women’s rights, bodily autonomy, and human rights with peacebuilding, demilitarization, and the end of armed conflict. During the negotiations, the women’s movement secured the inclusion of a gender perspective that also encompassed LGBTI rights—bridging social movement activism with gender theory (Shepherd 2017). This achievement made the agreement gender-inclusive, recognizing women and LGBTI people as key actors in the process, consistent with the principles of critical and transformative peace. In essence, it entailed building peace through the participation of historically marginalized groups. The 2016 agreement was globally innovative and, within Colombia, opened new possibilities for envisioning a peaceful future for the country.

The gender perspective in the negotiated agreement incorporated specific commitments to uphold the rights of women in all their diversity, as well as the rights of LGBTI people. Equality and non-discrimination were established as guiding principles for its implementation, grounded in a critical and transformative vision of peace. Notably, this is the only comprehensive peace agreement to include over one hundred specific commitments aimed at advancing gender equality, fostering participation, and preventing discrimination or stigmatization against LGBTI people throughout the implementation process (Mejía Duque 2016).

This approach sparked considerable debate, particularly in the lead-up to the 2016 plebiscite. Churches and political parties—especially those with Christian roots—opposed the agreement because it included LGBTI rights, which they perceived as a threat to their notions of family, heterosexuality, and traditional gender roles (González 2017; Lobo, Torres, and Córdoba 2020; Serrano 2017). After the victory of the NO vote in the October 2 plebiscite, the agreement’s text was revised to specify that the gender perspective referred exclusively to equality between men and women and to the rights of women (Romero 2016).

From Policy to Practice: The Representation of LGBTI People and Their Experiences in the Territorial Councils for Peace, Reconciliation, and Coexistence

With the launch of the agreement’s implementation, Decree Law 885 of 2017 reformed both the National Peace Council and the CTPRCs, redefining their names, functions, and composition to advance agendas for inclusive, diverse, and transformative peace. It increased the share of representatives from civil society—particularly from historically marginalized groups—and explicitly included LGBTI participation.

The composition of the National Peace Council was expanded to include: three representatives from Indigenous organizations; two from Afro-Colombian, Black, Palenquero, and Raizal communities; three elected by women’s rights organizations; two representing people with disabilities; two from organizations supporting victims; and two from LGBTI groups (Ministry of the Interior, Decree Law 885 of 2017)7. The national government also directed the reactivation or creation of CTPRCs and their coordination with human rights committees (Kroc Institute 2018, 84).

This decree was adapted to local contexts through the work of mayors’ and governors’ offices, departmental assemblies, and municipal councils, which enacted local regulations (departmental ordinances or municipal agreements) to redefine the composition and functioning of each CTPRC. These efforts were supported by the Office of the High Commissioner for Peace (OACP), social organizations, and international cooperation partners (Technical Secretariat of the International Verification Component 2021a and 2021b; Procuraduría General 2020; Kroc Institute 2022a and 2022b). The process illustrates the dynamic interplay between national and local levels, combining political and technical coordination to reactivate the councils.

Civil society representatives have been the primary source of stability amid shifting political landscapes, including changes in local and national leadership following elections (Kroc Institute 2021). Such transitions often heighten political tensions and conflict, particularly when the creation or revision of local regulations does not result in the actual functioning of peace councils. This is the case of the CTPRC in Barranquilla, which has not convened since the district agreement was enacted in 2019 due to a lack of support from the mayor’s office—a concern highlighted by Heriberto Mejía in interviews conducted for this research (Interview with Heriberto Mejía 2022).

By appointing LGBTI representatives to the CTPRCs, the participation of people with diverse sexual and gender identities—set out in Decree 885 and Point 2 of the Peace Agreement—has shifted from paper to practice. Following the creation or reactivation of local regulations, CTPRCs that began operating went on to elect LGBTI representatives for each council. Of the LGBTI peace council members interviewed, only one joined through an open call; the rest were invited by municipal officials or other civil society members. Once elected and as the councils started holding sessions, the intended pluralism of this participatory body began to materialize.

The formal creation of the CTPRCs marked an important step toward their local implementation. However, including LGBTI participation in a regulation does not automatically ensure that its provisions are enforced. This is evident in the inactivity of some CTPRCs, which limits the direct influence of LGBTI agendas. Peace council member Heriberto Mejía illustrates this with his experience in the Barranquilla CTPRC. While the council has both the district agreement from the previous administration and the regulations and calls for selecting representatives from the current administration, it had yet to hold its first session as of March 2022. Upon investigating, Mejía found that some city officials lacked information and pointed to a significant challenge in the regulation: the broad range of civil society sectors included, which requires electing 48 members. According to the council’s rules, this large number makes it difficult to achieve a quorum for self-convening. Mejía notes that this kind of inoperability has also occurred in other regions, where councils were formally established but have remained largely inactive.

In many cases, the two representatives stipulated in the Decree have not been appointed. On the Caribbean coast, several councils lack any LGBTI representation, and in those where it does exist, the two-person quota is not met (Interview with Heriberto Mejía 2022). In Barranquilla and Istmina, for example, only one representative has been elected. This underscores the need for municipal administrations to treat human rights and sexual diversity agendas as integral to public policy—thereby enabling the activation of the CTPRCs. As Heriberto Mejía notes, implementing a gender perspective and activating these councils “comes down to political will,” which ultimately determines whether peacebuilding infrastructure functions effectively or remains stalled (Restrepo and Leyva 2017).

The lack of LGBTI participation and the ineffective, low-quality implementation of the CTPRCs has also been mirrored in other territorial commitments of the agreement—such as the PDET. Peace advisor Heriberto Mejía recalls that, during the initial design phase of the PDET, “LGBTI people were not invited,” as territorial authorities assumed “there are no LGBTI people in the rural areas.” In his view, public officials neither sought out LGBTI people nor did they question their absence. This exclusion meant that some PDET subregions in the Caribbean—such as South Córdoba, Montes de María, and Sierra Nevada-Nerijá—failed to formulate sufficient projects specifically targeting LGBTI populations: “Even though two or three processes continued at the municipal level, they never reached the subregion. So, from the calls for proposals to the evaluation and allocation stages, there has also been minimal attention to or inclusion of LGBTI people in the PDET” (Interview with Heriberto Mejía 2022).

LGBTI participation in the territorial implementation of the agreement—such as in the CTPRCs—relies on calls issued by local authorities or other responsible public entities. However, this participation is often hampered by a lack of information, limited political will at the local level, and ongoing violence against diverse populations. As Heriberto Mejía notes, “sometimes even those who are part of the councils lack the necessary tools to assert their rights.” In some cases, LGBTI engagement at territorial level has yet to occur—particularly in non-PDET municipalities—due to limited institutional outreach (Kroc Institute 2022a). This is the case in the CTPRC in Santiago de Tolú, where, for various reasons, the LGBTI council member had attended only a few sessions and underscored the need for a deeper understanding of the CTPRCs’ functions and scope. The same point was emphasized by Michael Tafur and Elvis Sánchez (2022) in interviews conducted for this research.

The challenges facing LGBTI participation in the territorial implementation of the peace agreement underscore the difficulty of ensuring differentiated and meaningful engagement in local public decision-making processes—in other words, peacebuilding from the ground up. Irregular participation results in a lack of targeted actions to address the needs of LGBTI people, weakening both the legitimacy and the long-term sustainability of territorial peace efforts.

The inclusion of LGBTI representatives has brought meaningful changes to the dynamics among diverse actors, including those once considered incompatible or even antagonistic—particularly in the context of prevailing discriminatory discourses against LGBTI people. Tito Muñoz (2022), LGBTI representative on the CTPRC of El Carmen de Bolívar in the Montes de María region, reflects on this transformation:

At first, I was afraid to participate in this space, fearing that the Church would discriminate against me—especially given that the Territorial Peace Councils are often coordinated by religious institutions such as the Pastoral Social, ConPaz, and the Archdiocese. But I took it as a challenge. I wanted to shift the way the LGBTI population was perceived. [...] Being part of the Council in El Carmen de Bolívar has been deeply meaningful to me. I was welcomed by all the members and now serve on the operational committee. [...] There was a moment when I considered resigning from the Peace Council, but all the other members urged me to stay. They told me, “You can’t leave the Council—you would leave a significant gap. The work you’ve done cannot easily be replaced. You need to make way for the leaders coming after you, whether they follow your approach or take a different path. But right now, you are essential to the Peace Council in El Carmen.”

Grounded in the principles of coexistence, the peace councils have become spaces that encourage diverse actors to confront their own prejudices. In the case of LGBTI participation, however, inclusion has not always translated into the recognition of their rights. To address this gap, various LGBTI organizations have engaged in advocacy efforts to strengthen the visibility and influence of LGBTI representatives within the CTPRCs and the CNPRC. These initiatives align with the public policy on reconciliation, coexistence, and non-stigmatization8—an instrument established by the peace agreement (Caribe Afirmativo 2020).

In Istmina, the CTPRC carried out initiatives to raise the visibility of LGBTI people. Peace council member Jorge Luis Palacios Gutiérrez, known as “Lolo,” recalled that he was initially uncertain about participating. In recent years, however, the CTPRC has enabled him to reach peripheral neighborhoods with activities aimed at fostering awareness and publicly acknowledging the diverse community along the San Juan River. The council created opportunities to engage the wider community with messages of inclusion and non-discrimination—“to show a different face of people with diverse sexual and gender identities” (Interview with Jorge Luis Palacios Gutiérrez, 2022). Building shared spaces between LGBTI people and those who are not—or even those who oppose them—is a first step toward recognizing their rights and transforming power dynamics and patterns of exclusion within each territory (Interview with Leydy Benjumea, 2022).

The Councils as a Platform for a Broader Agenda

Participation in the CTPRCs has also advanced the broader agenda of recognition for LGBTI people, enabling initiatives that challenge stigma surrounding gender and sexual diversity. These efforts have brought together diverse sectors of civil society to work toward peaceful territories and to create inclusive, safe spaces for LGBTI people. Such developments embody the notion of a queer peace—one that challenges, transforms, and shapes both individual and collective realities. An example comes from the municipality of La Montañita (Caquetá), where, in 2021, the CTPRC included the Escuela de Colores por la Paz in its Peace Week program. This youth-led initiative, carried out by LGBTI people and Indigenous members of the council, was intended to prevent the forced recruitment of children and adolescents and to foster community reconciliation (Pastoral Social - Cáritas Colombiana 2021a).

With the active involvement of the Movimiento Juvenil 15 de Agosto9—a youth group that is part of the peace council—the CTPRC of Samaniego developed an initiative featuring Artix, a non-binary person originally from Samaniego and widely recognized in Nariño for their political activism in defense of LGBTI rights. This marked Artix’s first performance in their hometown. The initiative addressed the gender stereotypes faced by people with diverse identities (Interview with David Heredia 2022). Supported by an external accompaniment process, the CTPRC of El Carmen de Bolívar developed specific initiatives for LGBTI people in both urban and rural areas of the municipality in October 2021, recognizing their distinct experiences. The process began with the Conversatorio de Empoderamiento de Género (Gender Empowerment Forum), which created a space for LGBTI community members from the urban area to discuss progress achieved and remaining challenges. This was followed by the Conversatorio Arcoiris forum, aimed at understanding the current realities of LGBTI people living in rural zones. As a result, a municipal LGBTI action plan was drafted and agreed upon. The plan will be submitted to the Mayor’s Office as a foundation for developing a future municipal public policy on LGBTI rights, gender, and women’s issues.

These actions, driven by LGBTI engagement in the CTPRC, have positioned the Peace Council as a more “conscious” space—“Today, they talk about LGBTI public policies,” notes Tito Muñoz (Interview with Tito Muñoz 2022). Looking ahead, Muñoz has considered highlighting the resistance of trans women in the municipality, most of whom are engaged in sex work. Leydy Johana Benjumea Sepúlveda, a council member from Valle, also underscores the role of trans women in this process. For trans sex workers, building trust and reconciliation remains a challenge, particularly when their rights continue to be violated—often by members of the security forces or other institutional actors (Interview with Leydy Benjumea 2022).

The inclusion of an LGBTI rights agenda within the CTPRCs has been driven by grassroots organizational efforts in the territory. Within these councils, LGBTI organizations have worked alongside other movements affected by the armed conflict, helping to shape a critical form of peace—even while navigating the realities of a negative peace. This shows that different forms of peace are not mutually exclusive but can exist side by side. The LGBTI agenda gaining visibility in the CTPRC of El Carmen de Bolívar has also aligned with initiatives led by women survivors of sexual and other forms of violence, youth, the elderly, and other active grassroots actors in the region. This points to a vision of territorial peace built from the ground up through the empowerment of local actors.

In addition to fostering inclusive spaces outwardly, the council has also fostered inclusion internally:

Sometimes I just sit and listen, and the other members of the peace council say to me: “Tito, we could do this from the LGBTI community, this with trans women, and this with gay men.” I’m struck by how inclusive this space is. When I do speak up, it’s usually because something was said incorrectly, or because I have something to add in a different way. (Interview with Tito Muñoz 2022)

Where there are established organizations or movements, the CTPRCs act as crucial platforms for advancing their agendas; without them, proposals are less likely to emerge, leaving the space underutilized. Michael Tafur, LGBTI representative of the CTPRC in Santiago de Tolú, and Elvis Sánchez, an LGBTI individual from the same municipality, emphasized the importance of organizing, securing institutional support throughout the process, and forging alliances between people with diverse identities and other organizations to achieve collective benefits for the local LGBTI community. However, when individual interests overshadow collective goals—and there is a lack of political training, self-recognition, and strong organizational structures—it becomes difficult to implement meaningful public actions “that transcend governments” (Interview with David Heredia 2022). Strengthening the organizational capacity and self-recognition of people with diverse sexual and gender identities is essential to making participation and representation in the CTPRCs a viable route for advancing an LGBTI rights agenda.

An example of the link between organizational capacity and influence within the Territorial Peace Council can be seen in the Departmental Peace Council of Córdoba, which implemented the First Meeting for LGBTI – OS/IG Leaderships as part of its action plan. The purpose of the event was to advance the development of a departmental public policy to guarantee the rights of LGBTI people (Pastoral Social - Cáritas Colombiana 2021b). Similarly, the Departmental Peace Council of Nariño established four commissions: (i) education, pedagogy, and culture for peace; (ii) agreement monitoring; (iii) oversight and guarantees of non-repetition; and (iv) gender and sexuality. While the gender commission is composed primarily of women, it also includes individuals with diverse gender identities who advocate for specific gender policies, report on issues affecting LGBTI people, and propose inclusive public policies (Interview with David Heredia 2022). In Leiva (Nariño), people with diverse sexual and gender identities organized to form a Gender Identity Roundtable. The LGBTI representative on the peace council is also an active member of this municipal roundtable.

The organizational capacity, experience, and knowledge of the nominating group are crucial to securing legitimacy and ensuring effective representation for the sector involved. This is illustrated by councilor Heriberto Mejía, who—drawing on his role as co-founder, coordinator, and active member of the LGBTI Roundtable of Barranquilla and Atlántico, which unites most LGBTI organizations, collectives, and spaces in the district and department—was able to run on behalf of Caribe Afirmativo and was elected to represent the LGBTI community on the Barranquilla District Peace Council.

Organizational capacity and expertise are not automatic—they emerge from deliberate, educational processes that strengthen both the peace councils and the LGBTI people they represent. This has been evident in the Valle del Cauca Departmental Peace Council, where the LGBTI councilor pursued courses and diploma programs after joining the CTPRC. This learning process has allowed her to share new knowledge and skills about peace councils with the wider LGBTI community. For councilor Leydy Benjumea, knowledge fuels the movement. She underscores the importance of training LGBTI women leaders to ensure meaningful participation and safeguard human rights (Interview with Leydy Benjumea 2022).

The CTPRCs also act as platforms for building capacity and exchanging effective partici- patory practices. Councils that function well are better positioned to share their experiences with others. This has been the case in El Carmen de Bolívar, where the LGBTI representative has promoted the inclusion of LGBTI people in neighboring councils—such as San Jacinto de Bolívar—advocating for the correct use of pronouns and gender recognition, in keeping with the political significance of language in peacebuilding (Interview with Tito Muñoz 2022).

At the same time, two contrasting perceptions underscore the territorial diversity, confirming that peacebuilding and participation experiences vary widely. On one hand, some view the abundance of participatory spaces as overwhelming. This was initially the case for Tito Muñoz, who considered not joining the Peace Council because he was already active in other forums. Ultimately, however, he recognized the council’s significance and chose to participate, contributing in a meaningful way.

In contrast, certain areas of Nariño report having few opportunities for LGBTI participation—both within and outside the framework of the Peace Agreement. Since participation is not a legal requirement, some local authorities limit their actions to what is explicitly mandated by law (Interview with David Heredia, 2022). This underscores a key point raised during a 2020 meeting of LGBTI council members: at both the national and local levels, “it’s not just about participating, but about understanding the purpose of that participation” (Caribe Afirmativo 2020, 3).

Transformative Territorial Peace in Practice

The regions represented in the interviews for this study have not only been historically affected by armed conflict but have also endured physical, sexual, and symbolic violence at the hands of various actors and society at large—violence often sustained through indifference and discrimination. Such experiences have fostered deep-seated mistrust between LGBTI people and their broader communities. As Leydy Benjumea explains:

Territorial peace means living free from violence. It requires transforming local political dynamics [...] redistributing land and ensuring that LGBTI people can return to their territories without facing discrimination. (Interview with Leydy Benjumea 2022)

A review of interviews and CTPRC documents shows that LGBTI perspectives on peace go far beyond simply ending violence. They reflect a vision of transformative peace—rooted in daily life through active citizenship and expressed through collective organization and participation. This is a peace that strengthens the broader territory through its inclusivity and scope. For LGBTI people, peace is vibrant and inclusive—a peace where everyone belongs. It is sustainable and enduring, anchored in the recognition of sexual and gender diversity.

However, this vision also calls for broader goals: redistributing resources, ensuring equitable access to public goods and services, and guaranteeing human rights for all. In this way, it aligns with central commitments in the peace agreement—such as Point 1 on comprehensive rural reform—which aim to advance social and economic inclusion, not just political representation. Yet this vision remains only partially realized. Major barriers persist, evidenced by the limited progress in implementing points 1 and 2 of the agreement, as well as its gender approach (Kroc Institute 2022b; Fajardo 2021).

In the interviews, all participants identified stigma as a barrier to full participation and a critical issue that must be addressed through their involvement in the CTPRCs, given its serious consequences for the lives of LGBTI people. While council members work toward reconciliation and peace, incidents of violence against LGBTI people continue to occur in their municipalities and departments (Interviews with Leydy Benjumea 2022; and with Michael Tafur and Elvis Sánchez 2022). In some contexts—such as certain municipalities in Nariño—LGBTI visibility has not been possible within local peace agendas, due in part to fear of illegal armed actors (Interview with David Heredia 2022).

Council member Tito Muñoz recalls that during the most intense years of the armed conflict in the 1990s and early 2000s10 in El Carmen de Bolívar, LGBTI people were subjected to acts such as being pelted with tomatoes and enduring physical and sexual violence. Today, he perceives the town as safer and less violent for LGBTI people, yet acknowledges that harm persists in other forms—such as institutional and public spaces refusing to recognize someone’s gender identity, addressing her with masculine terms despite her clear identification as a woman, or stealing an LGBTI flag “because they didn’t want to see it in a public space” (Interview with Tito Muñoz 2022). In other words, while the manifestations of violence may have changed, they have not been eradicated entirely.

A recurring demand from LGBTI people is equal rights, visibility, and cultural transformation—objectives that go beyond what can be achieved within a single participatory body (Interview with David Heredia 2022). The persistence of stigmatization and conservative contexts—often shaped by exclusionary religious discourses—also discourages LGBTI participation in public and visible spaces such as the CTPRCs (Interview with David Heredia 2022). This underscores the need for stronger institutional commitments from both civil society and local authorities to ensure genuine inclusion. The goal is for LGBTI people to live freely in any space, to be recognized, and to have access to healthcare, employment, education, organization, and participation—and for all forms of violence, starting with humiliation, to be eliminated (Interviews with Tito Muñoz 2022; with Michael Tafur and Elvis Sánchez 2022; and Leydy Benjumea 2022).

The action plans of territorial peace councils must move beyond paper and be implemented in practice, ensuring that “what is written is what gets done” (Interview with Tito Muñoz 2022). Despite adverse contexts and the absence of local implementation of the peace agreement, LGBTI peace council members affirm themselves as peacebuilders, moving beyond a vision of negative peace centered on victimization. In doing so, they advance toward a post-liberal vision of peace—one collectively built by local state actors together with LGBTI people and organizations.

Conclusions

The CTPRCs have created meaningful opportunities for representation and participation for LGBTI people and organizations. Legislative Decree 885, together with local CTPRC regulations, has opened formal channels for engagement, making it possible to challenge prejudice and stigma. Evidence shows that LGBTI leadership has forged connections with other territorial organizations, expanding the geographic reach of social action for LGBTI individuals and groups. Participation in the CTPRCs has also shaped peace policies through an LGBTI lens, and in some cases, transformed the councils’ ways of operating, engaging, and setting agendas.

These contributions show that the councils form part of a broader vision of transformative peace—one that advances territorial peace from an LGBTI perspective and narrows the gap between policy and lived experience. By using these spaces and advocacy platforms, LGBTI people have moved beyond their historically marginalized position, affirming themselves as political actors and agents of change. They are building new realities from the ground up, responding collaboratively and strategically to the needs of their communities—and to those of LGBTI people in particular.

This research underscores the role of the CTPRCs as platforms for advancing the full realization of LGBTI rights. These councils provide highly inclusive spaces for participation, where the recognition sought by LGBTI people is actively built and affirmed. Their influence draws on a strong organizational fabric, strengthened and expanded through collaboration among diverse groups. At the same time, factors such as local decision-making dynamics, internal and external relationships, the level of ownership over the councils’ structure and functioning, and the ongoing effects of armed conflict shape their effectiveness and the quality of participation they foster. These factors help explain the current implementation gaps and the persistent barriers to meaningful engagement.

Peacebuilding and participation remain processes rooted in specific times, places, and actors, shaped by the realities of each territory. They are heterogeneous, non-linear, and non-evolutionary, underscoring the continued relevance of the concept of territorial peace. In Colombia’s territories, LGBTI visions of peace encompass both concepts and policies that facilitate participation and call for the recognition and exploration of their concrete experiences, which unfold within a historical and ongoing context of violence, insecurity, and stigmatization—particularly in rural and remote areas.

A long-standing gap remains in the fulfillment of LGBTI rights, and the time since the signing of the peace agreement—together with the level of its territorial implementation—has not yet been sufficient for participation to meaningfully advance their human rights or reverse historical setbacks. Proposing an LGBTI or queer peace involves promoting a vision of peace that advances the rights of sexually and gender-diverse communities in differentiated and substantive ways. Neither the peace agreement nor the CTPRCs alone can close these gaps; both are part of a broader peacebuilding effort. This is especially urgent in territories where armed actors continue to exert influence over communities and the lives of LGBTI people. Creating safer, stigma-free environments remains a pressing priority.

These challenges underscore the ongoing need to strengthen both the participation and visibility of LGBTI people. A persistent link exists between the lack of recognition of their leadership and their limited involvement in the peacebuilding spaces created by the agreement. This highlights the need to confront the discrimination and social prejudices that, during the armed conflict, fueled violence and denied legitimacy to LGBTI lives and bodies—factors that continue to hinder their full participation and positive recognition within communities and peace-related processes.

Stigmatization remains a major obstacle to LGBTI participation in the implementation of the peace agreement, with potential ripple effects on other spaces of visibility. It not only shapes whether individuals decide to take part, but also affects the everyday and collective lives of LGBTI people. Those who lead organizational and participatory initiatives face heightened security risks because of their visibility. This reality underscores that the expectations and aspirations of LGBTI people—to live in safe, inclusive, and dignified environments—have yet to be fully realized under the agreement.

Despite these challenges, the gender approach in the agreement remains a crucial opportunity to advance the changes sought by LGBTI communities. This is part of an ongoing process of building and driving long-term political and cultural transformation. In this sense, transformative, territorial, and queer peace is a journey—one that takes time to take root.

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✽ This article is based on independent research self-funded by the authors, given their interest in understanding the new dynamics of territorial peacebuilding in the country. The article was translated with funding from the Office of the Vice President for Research and Creation at Universidad de los Andes (Colombia). The article was originally published in Spanish in the issue 83 of the Revista de Estudios Sociales.

1 As LGBTI leaders, the interviewees face significant risks in their work defending human rights. They were asked whether they preferred to have their names anonymized; however, all chose to be cited directly, and we therefore acknowledge their contributions to this research by name. Any other potentially sensitive information has been anonymized.

2 Our thanks go to Marcela Sánchez, Director of Colombia Diversa, for reviewing and providing feedback on the initial drafts of this manuscript. Her input helped us produce a stronger, clearer document.

3 We have monitored the implementation of the peace agreement, provided technical support to strengthen the inclusion of a gender perspective in the CTPRCs, and participated in mobilizations, demonstrations, and advocacy spaces for the rights of women and LGBTI people.

4 The PDETs are part of Point 1 of the Peace Agreement, on comprehensive rural reform. They were designed to plan territories participatively in areas most affected by the armed conflict and with the highest levels of multidimensional poverty (Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development, Legislative Decree 893 of 2017).

5 Barranquilla (Atlántico) and Santiago de Tolú (Sucre) are non-PDET municipalities, while Istmina (Chocó) and Carmen de Bolívar (Bolívar) are PDET municipalities.

6 These are territories with low levels of development, limited access to goods and services, and positioned within asymmetric power relations. For a deeper analysis, see Carlos Mattos (1999) and Armando Di Filippo (1998).

7 Under Law 434 of 1998, the National Peace Council was composed of 44 permanent members. Decree 885 of 2017, which amended this law, expanded the total number of council members to 105 and broadened the range of sectors represented (Congress of Colombia, 1998).

8 This policy was officially published on August 2, 2022, through Ministry of the Interior Decree 1444.

9 This movement was organized and formed in the municipality following the massacre of eight young people on August 15, 2020, in a rural area of Samaniego, during the country’s pandemic (Interview with David Heredia 2022; Burgos 2021).

10 The Colombian Truth Commission identified that in the Caribbean region—including Montes de María, where El Carmen de Bolívar is located—the most intense period of armed conflict occurred between 1990 and 2010, effectively turning the area into a series of “theaters of war” (2022, 32, 86).

Miyerlandy Cabanzo Valencia

Sociologist from the Universidad del Valle (Colombia) and master’s degree in Historical Archival Science and Memory from the Pontificia Univerisdad Javeriana (Colombia). Researcher on issues of peace, participation, memory, and archive. miyerlandy.cabanzo@correounivalle.edu.co

Rebecca Gindele

Master’s degree in Human Rights from the University of London (United Kingdom) with a postgraduate certificate in Conflict Resolution. Researcher on issues of peace, gender, and women’s rights. rebeccagindele@hotmail.com